Awaaz - South Asia Watch News
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Friday, December 12, 2003
Posted by: Awaaz / 12/12/2003 12:45:24 PMThe Times of India
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/344082.cms
India denies visa to UK watchdog RASHMEE Z AHMED
TIMES NEWS NETWORK[ SATURDAY, DECEMBER 06, 2003 11:59:19 PM ]
LONDON: Britain’s government-funded charities watchdog was prevented from travelling to India to find out if the UK-registered Hindu Swaymsewak Sangh and its off-shoot, the hugely-successful fund-raiser Sewa International, was using the saffron pound to fund communal hate.
The embarrassing disclosure, made to STOI by the Charity Commission, comes within hours of the BJP’s much-heralded three-state election win and a new mood of international optimism that India may finally have moved on from a divisive era of Hindu nationalism.
Sewa International is the UK's largest Indian charity.
"What is the Indian government trying to hide (by refusing visas)", asked a leading human rights campaigner visiting London, Father Cedric Prakash. The priest, who has been working for communal harmony in Gujarat and is on a high-profile visit to London, said the visa refusal was a signal.
Indian High Commission officials declined to comment, saying "We don’t comment on visa issues".
But a Charity Commission spokesman told STOI on Saturday that the failed Indian visa applications were not the end of the story. "We are attempting to obtain information about HSS's (and Sewa's) activities from other sources", he said.
Commission officials had formerly made clear to this paper that the activities of the HSS and Sewa were hard to investigate without travelling to India.
Sewa International officials, including its president Shantilal Mistry, have always denied the charges, claiming they are the target of a vicious propaganda campaign. Mistry has repeatedly asked "How any one can allege something without having any proof that the amount was used for sectarian violence".
On Saturday, observers said it seemed unlikely Britain’s charities watchdog would ever be allowed to collect the requisite "proof".
The HSS, and more particularly Sewa International, have been accused of raising hundreds of thousands of pounds for charity work, which they then allegedly use to spread a divisive Hindutva agenda. Sewa International raised more than two million pounds during the Gujarat earthquake appeal.
Earlier this year, attention was focussed on its allegedly more unsavoury aspects with the resignation of its patron, Gujarati peer Adam Patel who is a close friend of the British foreign secretary.
The Charity Commission, the UK government-backed regulator that keeps an eye on 186,000 registered charities, launched a formal investigation into charges of sectarian misuse, misdirection of funds and false pretences in fund-raising against the HSS and Sewa.
At a public meeting organised by the UK's oldest Indian Muslim organisation on the 11th anniversary of the Babri Masjid demolition, Father Cedric said the situation in Gujarat had gone from bad to worse.
Meanwhile, the chairman of the Council of Indian Muslims Munaf Zeena called for the reconstruction of the Babri Masjid, adding that, "BJP leaders should not delude themselves into believeing that ethnic cleansing of Muslims in Gujarat and election victory in three states is the victory of their fascist ideology".
Charity Commission (UK) http://www.charity-commission.gov.uk/
ENDS.
Posted by: Awaaz / 12/12/2003 12:44:39 PM
Dear Friends,
We invite you to the release of the report of the International Initiative for Justice (IIJ), titled "Threatened Existence: A Feminist Analysis of the Genocide in Gujarat"
The International Initiative for Justice in Gujarat was jointly organised by many women's and citizen's groups from Gujarat, Bombay and Delhi and brought together a panel of nine feminist jurists, activists, lawyers, writers and academics from all over the world to Gujarat in December 2002. This panel met with over 300 women, men, survivors and activists working in several districts of Gujarat. The panellists were: Anissa Helie, Algeria/France, Gabriela Mischkowski, Germany, Nira Yuval-Davis, UK, Rhonda Copelon, USA, Sunila Abeysekara, Sri Lanka, and Farah Naqvi, Meera Velayudan, Uma Chakravarti, and Vahida Nainar from India.
The IIJ was conceived in the context of the need to foreground within India the issue of sexual violence in conflict situations and to develop a feminist critique of systems of justice and democratic governance. It was an effort to bring together feminists from India and outside for international solidarity in analysis and action regarding justice for Muslims in Gujarat. We trust that this initiative will lead to a nexus of shared understanding and activism on the immediate issues of justice in Gujarat in the aftermath of the pogrom; serve as a starting point of a transnational dialogue on issues thrown up by the pogrom including that of the inadequacy of existing legal frameworks to address sexual violence in times of social upheaval and conflict and enrich ongoing feminist discourse on citizenship, democracy and justice.
We expect to use this report as one of the tools for continuing to address the situation of Muslims in Gujarat nationally and internationally, in order to address the violence unleashed by Hindutva supporters both within and outside the machinery of the State. We hope that well known and reputed voices, ideas and actions from feminists from different parts of the world will help the struggle for justice and equality worldwide, and will further articulate our concerns in protecting and fighting for our rights to autonomy, democracy and freedom from violence. Since you have been an integral part of these struggles, we hope you will be able to join us for the release of the report and the discussions thereafter.
Release of the report: By Justice Jahagirdar (Retd)
Speakers: Anissa Helie and Vahida Nainar (IIJ panellists) Shobha De and Javed Akhtar.
Time: 3:30 – 6:30 p.m. Date: December 10, 2003. Venue: Conference Hall, 4th Floor, Y. B. Chavan Pratishthan, Near Mantralaya, Bombay.
In Solidarity, Forum Against Oppression of Women. Ph.: 24310160/ 24370941. E-mail: inforum@vsnl.com
ENDS.
The News on Sunday 7 December 2003
Pure society, impure culture
Are we settling in a period of strict censorship and a puritanical regime which views every cultural activity with suspicion either on the grounds of morality or religion?
By Serwat Ali
On Eid two cultural programmes held in Karachi and Faisalabad were disrupted either by the law enforcing authorities or some sections of the audience under one pretext or the other.
This alarming trend has been gathering momentum for some time. A few months back theatres were raided in Lahore and the performers arrested and kept in detention for some time on the charge of vulgarity and obscenity. Since then the raiding of plays during performance and imposition of an instant ban has become a regular feature in the various cities of the Punjab. One hears or reads in the press of raids being conducted in cities like Gujranwala or Sheikhupura and performances being banned mostly on the charge that the contents of the play or the dances included in it were obscene and vulgar.
A few weeks ago fashion shows in hotels were banned in the country on the orders coming from no less a person than the prime minister himself. And repeatedly some important person like the provincial minister of education in the Punjab is quoted in the media of having issued orders banning music and cultural programmes in schools and colleges in the province. A few weeks ago a ban was imposed on kite flying and the biggest emerging festival which was beginning to assume a form and shape to attract international tourists is being nipped in the bud.
In the North Western Frontier Province all cultural activity has already been banned. Ironically Peshawar had given refuge to hundred of musicians who had to migrate from Afghanistan during the Taliban rule. The entire musical heritage of Afghanistan moved out of its habitat and was protected, preserved and promoted by people living in the province. Now all the performing artists of the province are themselves looking for refuge.
Are we settling in a period of strict censorship and a puritanical regime which views every cultural activity with suspicion either on the grounds of morality or religion? To circumvent this shrinking space usually pragmatic justification for allowing such activities is advanced like the textile sector stressing on the need of holding fashion shows as an important platform to display the progress made by them. It is another name for marketing through advertisement. The advocates for kite flyers point out that basant has become an occasion big enough to attract tourists. Both for its novelty and scale it has sufficient attraction to draw foreign tourists without really having to pander to them, all this being in line with the policies made in the country for the promotion of tourism.
This is not the first time that such efforts have been made or directives issued by the official circles. As long as one can remember basant has been a contentious issue where the stated position of the government has always been at variance with the peoples desire to celebrate the coming of spring with kite flying. It was the people's festival to which the state or the government made no contribution. It was only in the last few years that the government stepped in to cash in on the immense popularity of the festival. Incidentally it was not the government that was moved by the participation of the people but the initiative taken by the corporate sector that made the government join in to share the spoils.
The directives issued to the schools and colleges regarding music and dance has been rehearsed too often. Very few of the schools in the public sector have the facilities to offer to their students like theatre and music. Only schools in the private sector allow the students the space to indulge in extra curricular activities. Ordinary schools do not have the wherewithal for imparting even the essentials of basic education.
But dance is everywhere on the media there being now no concept of music without dance in this current rage. The music videos have a greater input of dance than music. In films, dance numbers are an integral part; there being no popular film without dance. Realising the great appeal and draw of dance, plays in the various theatres too started to include dance numbers. It has been a roaring success as audiences throng to see dance -- the play has only become its appendage.
Pop music is now everywhere. The first pop music concert to be held on the state controlled television in the 1989 called Music 89 provoked an uproar. An ultimatum was issued to the television authorities, processions were taken out and the television station in Lahore was picketed by demonstrators. Allowing a pop music programme on state controlled television was one of the steps which the then Benazir Bhutto's government had taken to liberalise the society. It was seen as a step promoting licentiousness by the conservative sections of society for People's Party has been accused by them to be a party that has espoused unrestrained freedom. If we look at the pop music programme televised these days or released on the CDs, Music 89 in comparison was a very tame affair.
The cultural environment and the definitions are changing all the time but the poignant question is what kind of society do we want Pakistan to be? A closed puritanical society where all the forms of expression and manner of celebration is driven underground. Where no distinction is made between art, entertainment and vulgarity. Where culture is considered a commodity that can be imported to compensate for the absence of any activity at home.The few societies where these activities are banned and nothing is allowed in the name of culture can hardly serve as the role model for a country like ours. [...].
ENDS.
Date: 7 Dec 2003 18:39:40 -0000 From: "bababudangiri souharda vedike"
Subject: Congress government's 'soft-hindutva' - more than 500 anti-communal activists arrested
Bababudangiri shrine, a place of worship according to sufi traditions, has been the object of attack by the Sangh Parivar in an attempt to communalise the political climate of Karnataka.
Last year, the Bababudangiri Souharda Vedike was formed as a platform to uphold communal harmony in Karnataka, to save the Bababudangir shrine from hindutva attack and to build up a movement of 'aggressive secularism' in Karnataka.
Each year, in December, the Sangh Parivar organises Datta Jayanthi celebrations which unleashes communal frenzy in the town of Chikmagalur - a step in their plans to 'liberate' the Sufi shrine. Last year, Pravin Togadia and again this year Ananth Kumar, the president of Karnataka BJP, declared that Bababudangiri is the "ayodhya of the south' - a clear statement of their communal intentions.
This year the Bababudangiri Souharda Vedike had demanded that the Karnataka government should ban the Shobhayatra and the public meetings in Chikmagalur and Bababudangiri organised by the Sangh Parivar on 7th & 8th December. The state government did not agree to the demand and gave permission to the Sangh Parivar to conduct its programme 'in a peaceful manner'. In fact, the Law Minister, Mr. Chandre Gowda had clearly stated that the government cannot ban any public meeting until and unless it becomes a law and order problem.
The Bababudangiri Souharda Vedike had announded that on the same days (7th & 8th), it will hold parallel programmes in Chikmagalur to protest against the Sangh Parivar's plans regarding Bababudangiri. While the government gave permission to the Sangh Parivar, it refused to give permission to the Vedike programme.
Yesterday (6th December) the government started making preventive arrests of key activists of the Bababudangiri Souharda Vedike. Today (7th December) around 500 activists reached Chikmagalur, evading strict police vigil. Many hundreds, including Girish Karnad, were stopped on their way to the town.
After the activists reached the venue of the protest meeting, all those who had gathered there were declared to be under arrest by the police. As soon as the meeting started, the police came and picked up all the 500 activists and arrested them. All the activists are now lodged in a jail near Chikmagalur.
This attitude of the government has exposed the 'soft-hindutva' attitude of the Congress government in Karnataka. It is not surprising that the Law Minister, Mr. Chandre Gowda, himself participated in last year's Datta Jayanthi celebrations organised by Sangh Parivar. If the communal frenzy unleashed by the hindutva activists doesn't create 'law and order' problem, how can a gathering which wants to uphold communal harmony and protect the secular characted of the society become a 'law and order' problem for the state ? Is this anything but bowing down to the whims and wishes of the saffron brigade ?
We request all of you to strongly condemn the pro-communal attitude of the Congress government in Karnataka by preventing the protest gathering and arresting secular & progressive activists.
ENDS.
ENDS.
The Daily Times (Pakistan)
December 08, 2003
Jamaat says NGOs spreading 'vulgarity'
Staff Report LAHORE: Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) Naib Ameer Prof Ghafoor Ahmad has warned against organised moves by certain western non-governmental organisations (NGOs) to spread "vulgarity" in the name of human and women's rights. Speaking at the last session of a conference commemorating scholar Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi on Sunday, Mr Ahmad said that such moves were aimed at making Muslims stray from the right path. He said Islamic forces would not allow them to impose western values on Muslims. Mr Ahmad said Maulana Maudoodi played a key role in preparing an "Islamic" constitution in 1973, which could serve as a guiding light for the Muslim world, but an individual (Ziaul Haq) suspended it and stopped the parliament from functioning independently. He said that Maulana Maudoodi and other scholars' writings would soon change the world, as numerous people were seeking guidance from them. Many religious leaders and scholars from all over the Muslim world spoke on the occasion and asked the participants to pressure Islamic rulers to enforce Sharia and end slavery to America. Nazrul Hassan from Nepal said Muslims in his country were only four percent of the total population and most of them were backward. He sought scholars' help for translation of the Holy Quran into the Nepalese language. He also called for the Muslim unity against nationalist ideologies. Dr Kamal Ubaid, foreign affairs director of the ruling National Conference in Sudan, said that Islamic movements in the world must coordinate to fight challenges facing the Muslim world. He said the Islamic movements would succeed if Prophet Muhammad's (peace be upon him) teachings were spread in the world through a well-thought-out plan. He said 9/11 was planned to destroy seven Muslim countries besides controlling Islamic movements. Afghanistan and Iraq had already been destroyed. He said that Islamic movements were bearing fruit in about 80 countries and this bothered capitalist countries. Sheikh Rashid Al Ghannoshi, president of the Al Nehzat Movement in Tunisia, praised Muslim revolutionary leaders like Saiful Islam Ibne Hassan Al Banna Shaheed, Maulana Maudoodi and Imam Khomeini for fighting the West. He warned Pakistanis of a conspiracy to take them to an age similar to the pre-Islamic era of ignorance. He alleged that President General Pervez Musharraf visited Tunisia to study the experiment to uproot Islam there. He said former president Habib Bourgiba closed down Islamic universities, changed Islamic laws and Tunisian official language from Arabic to French, declared Heaven and Hell as mere illusions, banned polygamy, jailed women for covering their heads, promoted drinking in Ramazan and upheld that adultery was no crime. He said Mr Bourgiba imprisoned about one million Muslims. He said hundreds of Islamic scholars were kept in jail for years without medical cover. Mr Ghannoshi said US Secretary of State Colin Powell and French President Jacques Chirac visited Tunisia and declared it an ideal Islamic country, but the Tunisian Muslims were resisting the "worst suppression". Most women wore hijab on the streets, but were banned from wearing them at work places, universities and hospitals. He said the young thronged the mosques to offer prayers in Tunisia. He praised Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA), saying the party tried to check sectarianism and regionalism in Pakistan. He said the Jamaat's efforts to promote inter-Ummah unity could spread in the world. The Tunisian scholar stressed the need to take women along on the path to development. The Secretary General of the World Institute for Unity among Islamic Schools of Thought, Ayatollah Muhammad Ali Taskhiri, said the West was trying to divide Muslims. He called upon Islamic movements and philosophers to frame a constitution applicable to every Islamic state in the wake of problems facing Afghanistan and Iraq in introducing a new governance system. He said the Western propaganda that Muslims were not united and so could not frame a common constitution was meaningless, as over 95 percent of beliefs in all Muslim sects were common. He alleged that the West had tried to divide the Ummah by promoting the Al Azhar University scholars. "After Maudoodi and Imam Khomeini, supreme Iranian spiritual leader Khamenei is talking of bringing Muslim sects closer," he said. "But that does not mean that all sects will be eliminated." He said it meant that Muslims should also unite at a single platform like the western powers, which despite all their differences, were united against Islam. He said that the enemy that earlier attacked Muslims on economic, cultural and religious fronts, now wanted to make "immorality" legal in the name of human rights.
ENDS.
The Daily Star
December 09, 2003
Merchants of hate: Following Pakistan's deadly example
Naeem Mohaiemen
"We don't want to take the law into our own hands, but we don't know what will happen to [Ahmadiyyas]," warned Mamtaji, imam of Rahim Metal Mosque. This was his latest salvo in the recent anti-Ahmadiyya campaign.
I grew up saying jumma prayers at Dhanmondi' Baitul Aman mosque. We had a tolerant, educated imam whose khutbas encouraged Muslims to educate themselves and uplift the community. If we wonder why the Muslim world is in crisis, we only have to look at frauds and illiterates like Mamtaji, busy distorting the true message of Islam and preaching fanaticism, hatred and backwardness.
By preaching hatred of Ahmadiyyas, we are following a blueprint carried out to deadly effect in Pakistan since the 1950s. With so many nations to emulate, why are we copying Pakistan -- a textbook case of failed state and banana republic?
On August 11, 1947, Jinnah gave a speech at Karachi Club where he said, "You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other places of worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed -- that has nothing to do with the business of the State." Following this spirit, Pakistan's first foreign minister was Sir Zafrullah Khan, an Ahmadiyya. The 1956 constitution also gave citizens the right to practice, and propagate their religion (Article 20).
The Islamic parties had always been suspicious of Jinnah's motives in creating Pakistan, and now they were disappointed. This was not to be a theocratic state at all! In 1948, during a drafting session of the UN's Universal Declaration of Human Rights, representatives from Saudi Arabia clashed with Pakistan over Articles 19: Freedom to change one's religion. The furious Saudi delegate had to listen to Zafrullah Khan describe the Article as consistent with Islam's denunciation of compulsion in religion.
This Saudi anger (and possibly money) soon found its way into Pakistan's domestic politics. One year after Zafrullah Khan's clash with the Saudis at the UN, a new group called Majlis-e-Ahrar-e-Islam issued a demand that Khan be removed from the cabinet, and all Ahmadiyyas be declared non-Muslim. These agitations peaked in 1952 with riots in Punjab, and on May 18 Khan resigned from the Basic Principles Committee.
The campaign was then intensified by Maulana Maududi's Jama'at-i-Islami, which launched a project to declare Ahmadiyyas non-Muslim, linked to a larger demand for Shari'a law. Prior to the 1958 military coup, the Muslim League and other ruling forces strongly opposed creating a theocratic state. The government therefore fought back aggressively against the anti-Ahmadiyya campaigns, arresting many Jama'at activists.
Following the 1958 coup, the "Islamization" of Pakistan's constitution began. The process often focused on anti-Ahmadiyya laws. In 1962, the Advisory Council for Islamic Ideology added a clause to the constitution: "No law shall be repugnant to the teachings and requirements of Islam." The East Pakistan politicians always acted as a brake on overt Islamicization, as the Bengali population was not (at that time) interested in passing Shari'a laws. However, following the independence of Bangladesh, Pakistan approved a new constitution in 1973, parts of which began implementing the legal machinery of the Shari'a.
Following a new wave of anti-Ahmadiyya protests inn 1974, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto introduced Articles 260(3)(a) and (b) into the Constitution, which defined who was a "Muslim" and listed groups that were legally non-Muslim. Ahmadiyyas were now listed in this second group. The process of disenfranchising Ahmadiyyas now had a solid legal basis. Just as Islam was codified as "state religion" in Bangladesh during two military regimes (Zia & Ershad), the anti-Ahmadiyya legislation was solidified in Pakistan during the military regime of Zia-ul-Haq. In 1978, Haq passed laws creating separate electorate systems for Ahmadiyyas and other "non-Muslims." He then followed this by creating Federal Shari'a Court which helped legalize criminal ordinances targeting religious minorities -- specifically two laws restricting Ahmadiyya activities (Martial Law Ordinance XX, 1984). The final death-knell for Ahmadiyyas came with the Criminal Law Act of 1986 ("Blasphemy Law"), which raised the penalty for blasphemy from imprisonment to death. Because the Ahmadiyya belief in prophethood of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad can be defined as "blasphemous" by a Shari'a Court, this law legalized persecution and even execution of the entire Ahmadiyya population.
Khan's position as first foreign minister of Pakistan is now a distant memory. Today Ahmadiyyas in Pakistan cannot announce their faith, pray, build mosques, or give azaan. Even in death, there is no escape from the state -- the law prohibits putting the kolema on an Ahmadiyya's gravestone. Pakistan's only nobel prize winner, Professor Abdus Salam, was persecuted because of his Ahmadiyya faith. Ahmadiyyas are only 3% of Pakistan's population, but 20% of its literate population. In an age when Muslim nations are incredibly backwards in science, technology and education, the peresecution of Ahmadiyyas accelerates our intellectual bankruptcy. In the Prophet (PBUH)'s time, in cities that the Muslim armies took over, non-Muslim populations (including Jews) were treated humanely. How far we have traveled from that tolerant ideal can be seen in the Daily Star report (Dec 6): "They threatened the Ahmadiyyas with arson in symbolic imitation of the burning of the newspaper [Prothom Alo]."
If the anti-Ahmadiyya groups are allowed to continue their agitations and threats, Bangladesh will soon slide down the treacherous path Pakistan took with the forced resignation of Zafrullah Khan in 1952. Starting with Ahmadiyya persecution, it is very easy to see that these groups' eventual demand will be Shari'a law.
In the last two years, I have been to many rallies in America protesting the unfair targeting of Muslim immigrants in the post 9/11 anti-terrorist campaign. At these rallies, I have seen many signs carrying the famous quote from anti-Nazi activist pastor Martin Niemoller:
"In Germany they first came for the Communists, and I didn't speak up because I wasn't a Communist. Then they came for the Jews, and I didn't speak up because I wasn't a Jew. Then they came for the Catholics, and I didn't speak up because I was a Protestant. Then they came for me - and by that time no one was left to speak up."
If we protest the scapegoating of immigrants in America, we must also protest the persecution of minorities in Bangladesh. Otherwise, when the shadowy merchants of hate come for all of us, it will be too late. Pay attention to Pakistan's tragic path, and fight to protect Bangladesh from a similar fate!
Naeem Mohaiemen is Editor of Shobak.org and Associate Editor of AltMuslim.com
ENDS.
Date: Mon, 8 Dec 2003 04:20:39 -0800 (PST) From: ramesh pimple <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Press Note
Aakrosh is a short film on Gujarat communal violence 2002, which has been denied Censor Certificate by Censor Board Mumbai, subsequently an appeal was filed with Film Appellate Tribunal, New Delhi which also uphold decision of Censor Board against the decision of Film Appellate Tribunal of I&B Ministry, Govt. of India, the petition is filed through Adv. P.A. Sebastian and petition will come for hearing before Honíble Justice Radhakrishnan and Justice Kanade on 9th December 2003, Tuesday, for admission of the case.
People's Media Initiative team had started shooting 2nd March 2002 and covered the ongoing violence till June 2002 amidst of killing and mindless violence, which has hit Gujarat. The Editing was started in November 2002 and the Film was ready in January 2003.
The Film has received wider appreciation as The Best Peace Film on Gujarat Carnage, which has given voice to the victims of the violence. The Film needed Censor Certificate for Public Exhibition and to sell it to the T.V. Channels. The Film had appealed for Censor Certificate in February 2002 and Censor Board Mumbai in March 2003 refused the Censor Certificate stating the reason that ìthe Film deals with the aftermath of one year old riot in Gujarat and shows the agony of one particular communityî and banned the Film.
We made an appeal to the Revising Committee of the Censor Board Mumbai in March 2003, the Revising Committee gave its decision on April 2003 upholding the ban on the Film but gave different reasons ì it shows Government and Police in bad light and shows the agony of the victims of the violenceî.
We are against the decision of the Revising Committee of Censor Board- Mumbai and filed an appeal with Film Appellate Tribunal of I&B Ministry -New Delhi. The Tribunal heard us on 11th August 2003 and gave its verdict upholding Total ban on the Film. They again gave different reasons ìit shows scenes of violence, sorrow and sufferings. Men and women mostly of one community have been shown as victims as it is clear from their languages, dress. etc., and it is a one sided version of one particular communityî. We have to move to the High Court Mumbai to get the Film cleared.
We believe that it is important that people of India and the world must know what happened in Gujarat and must not be repeated elsewhere. We also feel that killing of innocent passengers in buses, trains is also an act of mad fundamentalist group and we condemn this barbaric act, we feel that basic problems of our society is yet to be addressed and resolved i.e. poverty, unemployment, hunger, discrimination, mindless exploitation, etc. Instead of addressing to these basic issues, religious jingoism is imposed on the people so that they remain divided. The cry and anguish of people will motivate film makers more and more to make such films, writers, poetís artists, will be inspired to write more on it. Government or Censor Board cannot block our mind and heart, we will continue to raise our voice and our endeavor to give voice to the common man will continue.
Worldwide Aakrosh was viewed as Best Peace Film, it was shown in Locarno Film Festival, Switzerland as the Film of the year on Human Rights.
It is scheduled for screening in March 2004 at the 'Tongues on Fire' Film Festival in London, besides it was selected in Indo-British Film Festival. It was selected for Milano Film Festival, Italy and it has also gone as an official entry in other four prestigious Film Festivals.
Interestingly, our other film 'Chords on the Richter Scale' on post earthquake 2001 situation in Kutch, Gujarat which shows rampant planned discrimination in rehabilitation and relief operation against Dalits and Muslims and rampant corruption in rehabilitation process, also has been totally banned by Censor Board Mumbai and Film Appellate Tribunal has viewed the Film in on November 28th Friday 2003 in presence of Anupam Kher, present Censor Board Chief, and their verdict is awaited.
Some of us are receiving continuous threats on phone and we have to wind up Ahmedabad office due to mounting pressure on the staff working there.
For People's Media Initiative Ramesh Pimple 104, Accord, Lokhandwala, Andheri (W), Mumbai - 400 053. Tel: 022 - 26358302 Mobile: 9821109295
ENDS.
The Hindu
December 8, 2003
India be declared Hindu Rashtra: Togadia
Bangalore, Dec. 8. (PTI): VHP leader Praveenbhai Togadia has demanded that the country be declared a "Hindu rashtra" and urged the Government to go to war with Pakistan to put a permanent end to terrorism in the country. Addressing the 'Virat Hindu Samajotsav' here, Togadia alleged that political parties were not concerned with protection of rights of Hindus and accused them of appeasing Muslims. Asserting that the root-cause of terrosism lay in Pakistan, he said only way to root-out the menace in India was by waging a war against Islamabad. Togadia said construction of Ram temple at Ayodhya was the "religious right" of Hindus. "You cannot challenge Lord Ram". He also vowed to "free" temples in Kashi, Mathura and Ayodhya.
ENDS.
pakistan social forum world social forum | Pakistan Social Forum, (Sindh Chapter) ST-001, Sector X, Sub-Sector V, Gulshan-e-Maymar, Karachi - Pakistan Ph: (92 21) 6351145, 46, 47 Fax: (92 21) 6350354 Email:
INVITATION PAKISTAN SOCIAL FORUM JANUARY 12-13, 2004, AL AL-HAMRA/AIWAN AIWAN-E-IQBAL LAHORE - PAKISTAN
Dear Friends, The Organizing Committee of Pakistan Social Forum (PSF) Invites the European Delegates to join its 1st. national level forum. The forum will be a lead-up event to World Social Forum (WSF) to be held from January 16-21, 2004 Mumbai India. Pakistan Forum invites a large number of representatives of peasants movements, social struggles, trade-union workers, women rights groups, journalists associations, lawyers groups, political workers, representatives of livelihood movements, fisher-folk groups. The forum from other issues will focus on "Peace, Human Security and Regional Cooperation in South Asia" All those delegates attending 4th World Social Forum Mumbai January 16-21, 2004 Lahore is only 2 hours flight from the city of Mumbai. We will be delighted to answer your questions regarding logistic arrangements, program details and other queries about the event. For further information please contact: Irfan Mufti Info@sappk.org +92-42-5426470 Karamat Ali / Aijaz Ahmed piler@cyber.net.pk +92-21-6351145-47
ENDS.
OneWorld South Asia
Monday, December 8, 2003
Separatists target Muslim sect in Bangladesh
Sharier Khan (OneWorld.net) Dhaka, December 8
A 150,000 strong Muslim minority sect in Bangladesh called the Ahmadiyyas is under attack from a separatist group in the country, which warns they will face dire consequences if the government does not declare them non-Muslims before Friday.
In the last two months, attacks on the Ahmadiyyas by Sunni Muslim separatist groups have intensified, especially in the southwestern district of Kustia and the northern districts of Rangpur and Jamalpur.
One member of the sect was killed in the southwestern district of Jessore. Ninety percent of Bangladesh's 130 million population comprises Sunni Muslims.
Hailing from the central Bangladesh region of Brahmanbaria from 1912, the Ahmadiyyas follow the same rituals as the Sunnis, apart from their belief that Imam Mehdi, the last messenger of Prophet Muhammad has already arrived to uphold Islam as it was preached 1400 years ago.
The Sunnis, on the other hand, believe Mehdi has not yet arrived.
Says Ahmadiyya spokesman Tarek Mobassher, "Although we follow all other aspects of Islam they believe in, the militants refuse to accept our beliefs. Instead, they incite simple followers, terming our practices blasphemous, and alleging we do not follow the Prophet Mohammed."
In one of the largest anti-Ahmadiyya protests last Friday, more than 30,000 separatists under the banner of the Khatme Nabuat Movement Coordination Committee (KNMCC) laid siege to an Ahmadiyya mosque in Dhaka.
The attack was foiled by a deployment of 1000 policemen, but the separatists have sworn to storm the mosque again this Friday. The KNMC has said they will stage demonstrations against the sect in the city every Friday throughout December.
Threatens KNMCC President and cleric, Mohammad Mahmudul Hasan Mamtaji, "If the government ignores our demand, the anti-Ahmadiyya group would not be responsible for their fate." Mamtaji, who led a group to attack the Nakhalpara Ahmadiyya Mosque on November 21 -- injuring about 100 people including 12 policemen, warns that, "The Prime Minister's Office will be besieged if the government does not fulfil our demands. We don't want to take the law into our own hands, but we don't know what will happen to them."
The cleric stresses that if the Ahmadiyyas wish to continue offering prayers in the mosque, they should run it in line with the committee's instructions. "They cannot claim to be Muslims as they do not believe in Prophet Mohammad," thunders demonstrator Khaled Hossain while comrade Salam chants slogans of jihad (holy war), asserting that, "Nobody will stop us from eliminating the Ahmadiyyas."
The frightened Ahmadiyyas offered their Friday prayers under heavy police protection, vowing to save their mosque from attackers.
"We have been offering prayers in this mosque since 1946. But no-one disturbed us before," cries Abdul Alim, the mosque's custodian who figures on the hit list of the separatists. But Alim has dug his heels in, asserting that, "We will not bow to their pressure and leave the mosque."
Another separatist group has issued a similar ultimatum to Ahmadiyya's living in Sarishabari in Bangladesh's northern Jamalpur district. Mobassher believes the current aggressive stance has spilled over from anti-Ahmadiyya clerics in Pakistan. Significantly, most of the anti-Ahmadiyya publications in Bangladesh are written by Pakistani clerics who are more militant than their Bangladeshi counterparts.
In the past, one of the worst attacks on the Ahmadiyyas occurred in the southwestern port town of Khulna in October 1999, when a time bomb explosion in a mosque during Friday prayers killed seven Ahmadiyyas and injured 27 others.
Since the beginning of the Muslim month of Ramadan in October-November, some 13 Ahmadiyya families of Bhabanipur in the southwestern Kushtia district were confined without food and facilities. Similarly, separatists tortured members of the sect in a central Bangladesh town.
The government has currently deployed heavy police forces around the Ahmadiyya mosque in Dhaka's Nakhalpara.
Says State Minister for Religious Affairs, Mosharef Hossain Shajahan, "I am trying to resolve this matter through discussion with the concerned leaders. God has not given me any right to declare anyone non-Muslim. We cannot allow the disturbance of religious harmony."
According to the Prime Minister's Office, Prime Minister Khaleda Zia has directed law-enforcing agencies to take measures to prevent a communal clash from erupting.
For their part, the police emphasises that the issue requires a political settlement.
"We know for certain who is violating communal harmony and instigating others to attack. But first the tension should ease before we take any action against them," says Inspector General of Police, Shahudul Haque.
He maintains that, "They (Ahmadiyyas) have the right to exercise their rituals according to their faith and any obstruction violates the law of the land. We will definitely ensure their safety."
But none of the attackers has so far been arrested.
Reportedly, the Islamic Oiyko Jote (Islamic Alliance) - which is an alliance partner in the ruling Bangladesh Nationalist Party government - tacitly supports the anti-Ahmadiyya movement.
ENDS.
The Hidden Apartheid: An Exhibition on Dalit Human Rights
Venue: Anhad, 4, Windsor Place, Opp Kanishka Hotel, Ashoka Road, New Delhi
Dates: December 6-13, 2003
Time: 11am- 7pm
About 'Hidden Apartheid'
'Hidden Apartheid', a traveling exhibition of posters, highlights the trials faced by the Dalit community and asserts their identity as a distinct people with their own culture and history. The joint effort of Anhad (Act Now for Harmony And Democracy) and NCHRD (National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights), the 50 posters on display at the traveling exhibition deal with a variety of issues central to the struggle for Dalit human rights.
Over 160 million people in India remain segregated by a social structure that was abolished over 50 years ago. At every moment of their lives, these people - the Dalit community - are discriminated against. They are forced to live in colonies away from 'upper caste' dominions, made to drink out of tea cups that no one else touches, prohibited from drawing water from their village wells, deprived of land that is legally their, pushed into scavenging and increased sexual harassment by 'upper castes' and made unwilling recipients of the fall-outs of globalization.
Untouchability is the theme of many of these exhibits. The posters tell a stark story - even in this century, for example, Dalit bridegrooms are prohibited from riding a horse during a marriage procession, Dalits are forced to render services thought to be too polluting for other castes.
A section of the exhibits are devoted to State violence, perpetrated by police forces employed to protect and by private armies of upper castes. Also highlighted is the plight of Dalit women, who are subjected to sexual harassment, exploited as Devadasis and often the target of ire directed at their community.
The statistics on display paint a bleak picture as far as employment for Dalits is concerned. Literacy rates are low, drop-out rates high. However, all this is not just part of a rural landscape. Even in High Courts and embassies, the number of Dalits employed is a fraction of upper caste employees. The posters tell us that even where rights to education and earning a livelihood are granted, they are snatched away under the flimsiest of excuses - a case in point being the rustication of 10 Dalit students of the Hyderabad Central University on charges of violence.
The exhibition also outlines an action plan for the 21st century to ensure the socio-economic well-being of the Dalit community. Bearing testimony to the peaceful protest are the words of poet Sharankumar Limbale adorning one of the posters: You'll beat me, break me,/ Loot and burn my habitation/ But my friends! How will you tear down my words planted like a sun in the east?
'Hidden Apartheid' has been conceived and researched by Shabnam Hashmi and Parvez. It is designed by Parvez, a young graphic designer based in Baroda. A large number of photographs used in the exhibition are by Sahir Raza, a young 12th standard student from Springdales School, Dhaula Kuan, New Delhi.
Various individuals and organizations who made the exhibition possible include Cognito Advertising -Vadodara, Dalit Research Institute - Madurai, Gauhar Raza, Harsh Mander, Harsh Purohit, Martin Macwan, Navsarjan, Paul Diwakar and Sakshi - Hyderabad.
The posters will be on display at Anhad, 4 Windsor Place, till December 13, 2003. The exhibition is also accompanying the Dalit Swadhikar Rally, which started out from Jammu, Delhi, Kanyakumari and Kolkata, on December 6, 2003, and would reach Mumbai by January 15, 2004, to participate in the IV World Social Forum.
Hidden Apartheid Exhibition Set : 50 posters four colour/ size 18x23 inches, art paper -available for Rs. 2000 + courier charges ( for one set-Rs. 250 within India)
A set of four peace posters: Rs. 150 /- + Rs. 50 courier charges
Send drafts to Anhad, 4 Windsor Place, New Delhi-110001
ENDS.
Posted by: Awaaz / 12/12/2003 12:41:53 PM
The Hindu (Magazine section)
Dec 07, 2003
Censorship: Unofficial might
The recent experiences of some independent documentary filmmakers, who chose to look at the events in Gujarat, post-Godhra, illustrate a disturbing reality - the contradictions between the opinions and ideas of the unofficial censors and those of the official ones, says KALPANA SHARMA. Here, she looks at the larger issue of the freedom of expression.
IF the official censor does not get you, the unofficial one will. And this can happen in a country that guarantees freedom of expression. The recent experiences of over half a dozen independent documentary filmmakers, who chose to look at the events in Gujarat, post-Godhra, vividly illustrate this contradictory reality.
Every single one of these filmmakers has faced an uphill battle - either to obtain a censorship certificate, or to find people willing to take the risk to organise screenings without the official stamp of approval or to persuade a television channel to telecast their films. As a result, very few people have seen the over-half-a-dozen films that have recorded the terrible events in Gujarat of last year. Ironically, more people outside India have probably seen these films than people within the country. And hardly anyone in Gujarat has viewed these documentaries.
These experiences raise a number of important questions about the freedom of information, about documenting contemporary history and about the right of people to know all sides of a story as complex as the Gujarat communal carnage. If official and commercial media does not investigate such political events, is it not the responsibility of independent journalists and filmmakers to do this job? Yet for doing something that is important for us as a society, these same people are literally made to walk on hot coals. Apart from the perennial problems of finding funds and filming in areas where they often encounter hostile political groups, these filmmakers are confronted with at least three immediate hurdles.
The first is the official censor board. For public showings of any film, a certificate from the Board of Film Certification has to be obtained. If you make films on birds and bees, there is no problem. But talk about war, communalism, sexuality, exploitation, even poverty, and you have to encounter the entire might of the political establishment even though, on paper, the board is supposed to be free of politics.
The filmmaker has the option of not approaching the Censor Board at all and restricting screenings of the film to private shows. But there is always a risk that these screenings will either be disrupted, or that the police will decide that they are public and therefore require a censor certificate. In the absence of a certificate, the police are within their rights to confiscate copies of your film. Or, as happened in Mumbai last year, a private showing of Anand Patwardhan's award-winning documentary "War and Peace" had to be cancelled at the last minute because the regional head of the censor board decided to be pro-active and inform the police that the film had not yet got an all-clear.
Another option now available to filmmakers is television. No longer is Doordarshan the only channel. And for telecasts, the censor board does not come into the picture. Yet private channels do not take risks with political films. Unlike television channels in the West, which often buy the rights to telecast documentaries by independent filmmakers, no Indian TV channel has done this. Thus commercial interests act as the third check to the dissemination of these films.
Of course, the 24-hour private news channels did play a role in informing the country about the carnage in Gujarat. We saw the arson, we heard the cries of the wounded and the survivors of the carnage, we saw their wounds, and we were repelled at the sight of the death and the destruction. We heard the militant and crazed voices of those who justified their actions in the name of religion.
Yet, all these images came and went. They did not remain to remind us, say a year later, that what happened then could happen again, that there has not been a closure on those events, that justice has failed the majority of the victims of the violence and that the ideology that fuelled the killings continues to reign supreme - and unrepentant.
This is precisely what some of these documentary filmmakers have tried to do. They have painstakingly researched the reasons for the Gujarat violence, they have recorded the voices of many of those whom the media overlooked, they have tried to place these events within the larger issues of economics and politics and they have attempted to explain the consequences for the rest of India if no one is held accountable for such a carnage.
Yet, the tragedy is that the majority of these films will never be seen, particularly in Gujarat. The few attempts that have been made to show these films have resulted in disruption and forced the filmmakers to grab their prints and run out of the State.
The latest such event took place on October 20 when journalist-turned-filmmaker Shubhradeep Chakravorty tried to arrange a private viewing of his film, "Godhra Tak - the terror trail" in Ahmedabad. He had to change the venue at the last minute because of threats, and at the end of the screening at the new location he was surrounded by members of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) who demanded that he apologise for making the film. Later, the crime branch of the police came asking for the filmmaker and wanted a copy of his film. Chakravorty picked up his prints of the film and fled the city.
This film investigates the Godhra train fire of February 27, 2002, and in which 59 people died. It is in the genre of an investigative journalistic film. Chakravorty covers many angles that the print and electronic media have overlooked. For instance, he managed to locate four passengers who were on the train and who are not kar sevaks. They describe the behaviour of the kar sevaks on the train. Chakravorty also located people in Rudauli village in Faizabad district, who were roughed up by the kar sevaks at the station as they made their way to Ayodhya.
Even more telling is the evidence presented by the former director of the Central Forensic Laboratory, Dr. V.N. Sehgal, who studied the report of the Ahmedabad-based Forensic Laboratory, checked the burnt out carriage and vestibule and said on camera that there was no way that the inflammable liquid could have been poured from the outside.
Chakravorty's is the kind of film some television channels in the West would produce to investigate an incident like Godhra. In India, despite the growth of such 24-hour news channels, nothing of this kind is telecast. The channels do their own investigations but the formats restrict the depth of such stories. None of the channels has a dedicated team that is given the time and the space to follow an issue in detail and come up with a film that sheds new light.
"Godhra Tak" has been preceded by a number of other films. One of the first off the block was "Aakrosh", a 20-minute film by Geeta Chawda and Ramesh Pimple of the People's Media Initiative, Mumbai. The film was submitted to the censor board in February this year. Within a week, the application was rejected on the grounds that "the film depicts violence and reminds the people about Gujarat riots last year. It shows the government and the police in a bad light ..." The film was banned. An appeal to the revising committee did not yield positive results, nor to the Appellate Tribunal. Pimple says that they have been left with no option but to turn to the Bombay High Court where he is filing an appeal. In the meantime, he plans to show the film to as many people as he can through private showings.
Gauhar Raza, Delhi-based activist and scientist with the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research, is not interested in battling with the censors. He has made two films on Gujarat, "Zulmaton ke daur mein (In Dark Times"), which was on the 1998 elections and "Junoon Ke Badte Kadam (Evil stalks the land") which was on the recent communal violence in the State. The first one was made for television, for the now defunct TVI Company. It was telecast just once and then abandoned. Both films, he says, are part of his battle against the spread of communalism. He plans to use them in ways that generate discussion, especially among young people. But even this has not been easy. Screenings of his films were stopped in Goa during the elections last year and at the end of the year, a showing in a Mumbai college was stopped when the Shiv Sena raised objections. The police confiscated the tapes on the grounds that Raza did not have a censor certificate, something that is not required for a private showing.
Award-winning Mumbai-based filmmaker Suma Josson's film "Gujarat - A laboratory of Hindu Rashtra" was shot in three days just before the 2002 State assembly elections when Narendra Modi and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) were returned to power. She concentrated on 14 villages in Anand district that had been affected by the violence. But Josson has had hardly any showings of the film in India. A few showings in other States, particularly Uttar Pradesh, have often elicited a hostile response from audiences which refuse to believe that the scale of violence was as great as shown in the film. She says these audiences questioned the authenticity of the film going so far as to accuse her of shooting the entire film in one room!
Josson has not submitted this film for censorship. Her previous film on the Mumbai riots of 1992-93 - "Bombay's Blood Yatra" - took two years before it was finally cleared without any cuts by the appellate tribunal.
For battling the censors there are few documentary filmmakers who can match Anand Patwardhan's record. This Mumbai-based filmmaker, who has collected dozens of awards in India and around the world for his impressive array of films, has fought to get a censor certificate for every single film that he has made. This has often meant years in court.
Patwardhan feels that a censor certificate is a kind of insurance policy for political filmmakers because it denies the police the right to disrupt showings or confiscate the films. Also, State television is left with no excuse to telecast films like his that have won national awards. Yet, despite his record of struggle with the censor, and the plethora of precedents set by successive court judgments, every time he approaches the censor with a new film, he goes through an almost identical battle. His latest victory is getting a censor certificate for his epic three-hour film "War and Peace". The censor had demanded 22 cuts. Patwardhan succeeded in getting it passed without a single cut. He says, "It is my constitutional right to make films. Why should the censor board behave like a communal body?" He holds that other filmmakers should also submit their films for censorship and fight the system. "If you don't fight it out legally here at home, you are left with no option but to show your film abroad," he says. "This would defeat the very purpose of making the film."
Another filmmaker who is following in Patwardhan's footsteps is Rakesh Sharma. His film on the Gujarat earthquake of January 2001, "Aftershocks" created a stir because it revealed the other agendas at work under the guise of relief and rehabilitation. Sharma managed to get that through the censors, but he is apprehensive about his new three-part film on Gujarat. But Sharma too is prepared to fight it out because ultimately, he believes, the censorship laws must be challenged.
Stalin K., an Ahmedabad-based activist and filmmaker, whose film on Gujarat is "a work in progress", says that the censorship rules only apply to those making films that question dominant politics. Thus, the VHP, he points out, has made many short films on the Gujarat incidents of last year, and on Godhra. These are readily available on CD at any VHP office and are being shown all over the place. There has neither been any disruption of these showings, nor has the police asked whether the showings can be deemed as public showings and therefore demanded a censorship certificate from the VHP. On the other hand, in Gujarat today even films that have censorship certificates, such as Patwardhan's "War and Peace" have a problem finding a sponsor.
The experiences of these filmmakers raise issues that need to be debated more widely. They illustrate the growing intolerance of dissent, of independent documentation, and of creativity that does not fall within the dominant norms. More than the workings of the official censor board, it is the actions of the unofficial censors that should worry anyone who is concerned about guarding rights such as the right to freedom of expression.
ENDS.
The Hindu
Dec 07, 2003
Organisations stage protest against Togadia's entry
By Our Staff Reporter
Girish Karnad, playwright, addressing a gathering in Bangalore on Saturday. - Photo: K. Bhagya Prakash
BANGALORE Dec. 6. Several Bangalore-based human rights and civil society organisations today came together to protest against the entry of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad leader, Pravin Togadia, into the State for Sunday's Virat Hindu Samajotsava in Bangalore and the proposed Datta Jayanti celebrations at the Bababudangiri shrine in Chikmagalur.
Among the demonstrators were Girish Karnad, playwright, Arundhati Nag and G.K. Govinda Rao, theatre persons, Ramachandra Sharma and Shivarudrappa, writers, S.G. Vasudev, artist, Gauri Lankesh and B. Suresh, filmmakers, and B.T. Lalita Naik, former Minister.
Women's organisations such as Vimochana, Women in Black, Muslim Mahila Organisation, and All-India Democratic Women's Organisation, and human rights organisations including People's Union for Civil Liberties and Muslim groups participated in the demonstration. Members of leftist organisations including the Democratic Youth Federation of India (DYFI) were present.
They held placards which read: "Violence-free homes make for violence-free communities", "Women say no to communal politics", and "One land, one people". Several women were dressed in black to register their protest.
Later, addressing presspersons, Mr. Karnad said it was unfortunate that the Government could not prevent the entry of Mr. Togadia into the State. It was a terrifying situation for a democracy, he observed and called for building up a movement against the threat to democracy. Ms. Arundhathi Nag urged the common man to rise above the communal ideology and expose the political agenda of communal forces.
ENDS.
The Hindu
Dec 07, 2003
Secular outfits firm on protest rally at Bababudangiri
By Our Special Correspondent
Bangalore Dec. 6. Several progressive and secular organisations and Dalit activists have decided to participate in the protest rally at Bababudangiri in Chikmagalur district on Sunday to voice concern over the efforts of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and the Bajrang Dal to give a communal twist to the Datta Jayanti celebrations.
The representatives of the Bababudangiri Souharda Vedike, Chandrashekar Patil and `Agni' Sridhar, told presspersons here today that despite the ban imposed on holding any protest rally at Bababudangiri, the people in favour of a secular society would go ahead with the demonstration.
Reports, however, said the police were preventing the demonstrators from congregating at Bababudangiri and preventive arrests were being made in the neighbouring districts of Hassan, Shimoga and Dakshina Kannada.
Dr. Patil and Mr. Sridhar alleged that the State Government, particularly the Chief Minister, S.M. Krishna, and the Law Minister, D.B. Chandre Gowda, were a party to the Datta Jayanti celebrations by the Sangh Parivar and "the Congress party in fact utilised the services of the Bharatiya Janata Party to organise the programme. Rather than imposing a ban on celebrations by the Sangh Parivar, it was strange that the authorities had imposed a ban on those opposing the celebrations."
They said every effort would be made to stall the Sangh Parivar from converting Karnataka into another Gujarat.
"The Sangh Parivar's aim is to promote its Hindutva philosophy using the Datta Jayanti celebrations and extend the programme all over the State. We will ensure that the opposition to such an attempt is extended to all parts of the State. It is the Congress Government which has granted permission for the "Shoba Yatra."
``We are not against the organisers of the programme, but the Government which has accorded permission for it. People who incite violence should be kept out of the State," they added.
Arrests in Hassan
Our Hassan Staff Correspondent reports:
The police today stalled "Souhardadedege Namma Nadige," a walkathon organised by various progressive organisations in association with the district unit of the Democratic Youth Federation of India (DYFI) to Chikmagalur to express solidarity with the "Bababudangiri Souharda Vedike" which is trying to foil what is termed an attempt by the VHP and the Bajrang Dal to communalise the rituals associated with the Bababudangiri shrine.
The police arrested nearly 75 members of various progressive groups and political parties, including the secretary of the State Committee of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), G.N. Nagaraj, the president of the State unit of the DYFI, Mahantesh, the noted writer, Bhanu Mushtaq, Ja. Ho. Narayanaswamy, and the DYFI district unit president, Dharmesh. They were released in the evening.
The Superintendent of Police, Panduranga H. Rane, told The Hindu that the arrests were a precautionary measure.
Celebrations begin
The three-day Datta Jayanti celebrations were officially started by the district administration at the Dattatreya Peeta at Bababudangiri today.
A priest appointed by the Muzrai Department conducted special pooja and mahamangalarathi to the Datta Padukas in the shrine. Three homas were conducted near the entrance to the shrine.
ENDS.
The Hindu Dec 07, 2003
Samajotsava will be peaceful, say organisers
By Our Special Correspondent
The former Chief Justice of the Jammu and Kashmir High Court and chairman of the reception committee of the `Virat Hindu Samajotsava', M. Ramakrishna, addressing a press conference in Bangalore on Saturday. The joint secretary of the RSS, Subramanya Bhat, is seen. - Photo: T.L. Prabhakar Bangalore Dec. 6. All events connected with the "Virat Hindu Samajotsava" to be held here on Sunday would be peaceful, M. Ramakrishna, chairman of the reception committee and former Chief Justice of the Jammu and Kashmir High Court, told presspersons today. The VHP leader, Praveen Togadia, had confirmed his participation, he said.
Around 25,000 persons, including 1,000 women activists, were expected to participate in the three "Shoba Yatras" starting on Sunday afternoon from Shivajinagar Stadium, Jogupalya corporation ground in Ulsoor, and Gymkhana Grounds, Cox Town, Mr. Justice Ramakrishna said.
The meeting would start at 4.15 p.m. at the Raja Bahadur Arcot Narayanswamy Mudaliar School Grounds.
The public meting will be addressed by a number of heads of maths in Karnataka, including Balagangadharanatha Swami, Shivakumara Swami, Vishwesha Tirtha, and Ravi Shankar Guruji of the Art of Living Foundation. The Hindu Munnani leader from Tamil Nadu, Rama Gopal, will also address the meeting.
ENDS.
Posted by: Awaaz / 12/12/2003 12:40:20 PM
UK launch of a new report by the International Initiative for Justice in Gujarat
Threatened Existence - a feminist analysis of the genocide in Gujarat ICA (Institute of Contemporary Arts) The Mall, London, SW1 nearest tube: Picadilly Circus/Charing Cross 4.00pm, 13 and 14 December 2003 following the film Gujarat - a laboratory of Hindu Rashtra (45 mins/Hindi with English Sub-titles) dir. Suma Josson, 2003, India
Threatened Existence - a feminist analysis of the genocide in Gujarat is a comprehensive document based on hundreds of testimonies, eye witness accounts and other relevant information. It makes the following major points: • Eighteen months after the massacres of February/March 2002 the violence continues 'in different and frightening forms with long-term consequences on the lives of all members of the Muslim community particularly womenŠ Not only were Muslims the victims of vicious politically motivated attacks in February/March 2002 but they continue to be so even today.' • Sexual violence is central to the Hindutva project in Gujarat. And in Gujarat it is clear that all events including the use of rape and sexual assault occurred with the knowledge of highly placed State actors and in many instances were carried out with the full participation and support of the police.
The report gives detailed evidence to show that the action of the state in Gujarat during the February/March 2002 attacks as well as the ongoing persecution of the Muslim community constitutes a Crime against Humanity under International Law. It urges people's organisations within India as well as the international community to actively counter the campaign of hatred and fear that is at the core of such genocidal projects. It calls upon the international community, at the level of the State, inter-governmental and non-governmental organisations to condemn the advance of this genocidal project, and pressurise the government to protect human rights and democratic principles.
The report was produced by a panel of feminist jurists, activists, lawyers, writers and academics from all over the world: Anissa Helie, Algeria/France, Gabriela Mischkowski, Germany, Nira Yuval-Davis, UK, Rhonda Copelon, USA, Sunila Abeysekara, Sri Lanka, Farah Naqvi, India, Meera Velayudan India, Uma Chakravarti, India and Vahida Nainar, India.
The International Initiative for Justice in Gujarat and was set up by: Citizen's Initiative (Ahmedabad), People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL)- Shanti Abhiyan (Baroda), Communalism Combat, Aawaaz-e-Niswaan, Forum Against Oppression of Women (FAOW) and Stree Sangam (Bombay), Saheli, Jagori, Sama, and Nirantar (Delhi), Organised Lesbian Alliance for Visibility and Action (OLAVA, Pune), and other women's organizations in India.
ENDS.
Dawn, December 2, 2003
KARACHI: Hamza Alavi - a social scientist-cum-political activist
By Bhagwandas
KARACHI, Dec 1: Hamza Alavi, who died on Monday, aged 82, led a very active intellectual life. He became famous in the academia when he wrote an article in the newly-founded The Socialist Register in which he propounded the thesis that middle peasants were initially most militant elements of the peasantry and could therefore be a powerful ally of the proletariat movement in the countryside. Through this hypothesis he reversed the sequence suggested in the Marxist text. His thesis labelled as Alavi-Wolf thesis (since it was reiterated by Eric Wolf four years later) is still alive and refuses to die, as through it he had made a distinction between the Marxist theory and the practical Mao. His strength lay in going to the practicalities of things, and when he got interested in peasantry as a youngman, he left a coveted State Bank job to take up farming in Tanzania where he lived among peasants. Later, a serious illness took him to London where he had time for reflection and changed his career. That is how a social scientist-cum-political activist was born. For 10 years he remained involved in political activism in London: writing, lecturing and holding seminars in universities. For five years he edited Pakistan Today in which various issues were analyzed from the Left's perspective and obviously it was anathema to the Pakistani establishment. The journal was circulated secretively in the country. His curriculum vitae makes an impressive reading: from the post of research officer in the Reserve Bank of India in 1945 to readership in the University of Manchester and the post-retirement life in Karachi since 1997. What is most significant about Mr Alavi is that his research is not the kind that is conducted in the air-conditioned seminar rooms and libraries. Accompanied by his wife, he went and lived for 15 months in a Sahiwal (Punjab) village in 1968-69 to do an anthropological field study. In 1981, he returned to the same village to do a follow-up on the changes that had taken place over the years. His field-oriented research, to which he applied his theoretical knowledge of anthropology and sociology, made his papers full of insightful knowledge and information on Pakistani society. It seems intriguing that while abroad he was acknowledged as a distinguished anthropologist whose ideas had influenced a large number of social scientists, and he was acclaimed as a foremost theoretical thinker in South Asia; back home, his views were anathema to the establishment which found it difficult to swallow ideas that criticized foreign aid, spoke of the emergence of military-bureaucratic oligarchy which tries to mediate between the imperial powers and landlords and the native bourgeoisie. He had been studying the Holy Quran to understand the rise of fundamentalism which concerned him deeply. He thought rational intervention was necessary as there was a pluralist view of Islam as had been advocated by Sir Syed Ahmad Khan who had said that religion should remain a private matter. He had founded a number of organizations in his early life like the Pakistan Youth League, which was a broad liberal social forum, the Pakistan Socialist Society and after Ayub Khan's coup, he set up a committee for the Restoration of Democracy in Pakistan. He also formed The Forum, Pakistan Welfare Association, etc. Mr Alavi wrote a large number of research papers. His writings are so diverse that it is difficult to identify his area of specialization. Some of the subjects of his papers were the class structure; nature of colonial and post-colonial economies; relations between colonial, post-colonial and metropolitan elites; role of military and bureaucracy; changing production relations and mode of production and kinship in the political economy, etc.
ENDS.
Dawn, December 2, 2003
Hamza Alavi
In the death of Hamza Alavi, the country has lost an eminent intellectual. Starved of minds which think independently and rationally, our society - and establishment - has not really appreciated the men of scholarship who have refused to toe the conventional line. Hence not surprisingly, Hamza Alavi spent most of his active professional life in universities abroad, mainly Manchester and Sussex. vBy training an economist and sociologist, he made a profound contribution to socio-political and economic thinking by applying his deep and comprehensive knowledge of Marxian theory to contemporary developments in Pakistan. He won international recognition for his thesis on peasant revolution. In Pakistan, his ideas on feudalism, nationhood, the salariat (a term he coined), the freedom movement, the role of the bureaucracy and army in politics provided considerable food for thought to rationally-minded people. Hamza Alavi will be remembered not just for his scholarship but also for his activism and concern for the state of Pakistani society which seems to be driven by retrograde forces. Not an arm-chair scholar, Alavi went and lived in a village in Punjab for 15 months to do field research on the biradari system. While in England, he launched the committee for the restoration of democracy (directed against Ayub Khan) and mobilized Pakistanis to create awareness against dictatorship. He edited Pakistan Today, which analyzed problems from the Left's perspective and was distributed clandestinely in Pakistan. In England he became a founder-member of CARD (Campaign against Racial Discrimination), a multiracial organization formed to fight the rising tide of racism. Even in his retirement in Karachi he continued to be active in espousing the causes close to his heart. Ill-health and infirmity notwithstanding, he was a much sought-after speaker at seminars and for interviews because he had something meaningful to say. He would also show up at protest demonstrations to identify himself with democracy, peace and non-violence. He will be missed sorely for he was one of the few remaining voices of sanity and reason in this country.
ENDS.
Dawn December 3, 2003
KARACHI: Hamza Alavi's death condoled
KARACHI, Dec 2: The Irteqa Institute of Social Sciences, Progressive Writers Association and Awami Adbi Anjuman in a joint resolution expressed profound grief at the demise of noted intellectual and a social scientist of great eminence, Dr Hamza Alavi on Monday. A patron of Irteqa, since the decade of 80s in the last century, Prof Alavi was equally generous in extending his support and patronage to other progressive organizations in the city. In a country lagging behind in the area of education and social development, the soft spoken professor had always been a guide to all such bodies, which were working hard to infuse enlightenment and the spirit of tolerance in society. Prof Alavi's researches in anthropology, sociology, and particularly in the Afro-Asian societies added immense knowledge to the human society, treasured by the academia in the universities the world over. A democrat to the core, he was the founder of many democratic bodies and forums in the country and also abroad. The Pakistan Youth League, Pakistan Socialist Society and Pakistan Welfare Association, to note a few. Dr Hamza Alavi's death is a great loss to all of us and will always be felt by the people in Pakistan and many other countries. - HA
ENDS.
The News on Sunday
November 30, 2003
A bloodied minority
The rising tide of sectarian violence in Pakistan is a critical question for the Musharraf regime to address urgently
By Zahra Rizvi
We are sprayed with ammunition while burying our murdered dead, blown to pieces in places of worship. Bullets are pumped into us as we leave home, on our way to work, or when taking our children to school. This is General Musharraf's Pakistan, where innocent Pakistanis, particularly religious minorities, are targets for assassinations and mass murder.
A silent roll call of murdered loved ones, now numbers over 600 since Musharraf's coup in 1999. The worst act of terror struck in Quetta in the bombing of a Shi'a mosque on July 4th, killing sixty, mostly Hazaras, including 12 children. This followed the mass murder of 12 Hazara Shi'a police cadets, also in Quetta.
Hate struck Pakistan again, in October, with an attack on a bus carrying mostly Shi'a Suparco employees, killing seven. While Pakistani lives and resources are sacrificed for America's security, little is done by this government to make Pakistanis safer within Pakistan. How would the latest attacks be exonerated by those individuals accountable for the security of this country's citizens?
Sadly, Interior Minister, Faisal Saleh Hyat, has descended into the politico-religious cesspool stirred by General Musharraf. He lends his voice to the chorus of government luminaries parroting that oft used, interminable "foreign hand" conspiracy theory, deflecting any accountability for sectarian killings in Pakistan. The Minister alleges Indian involvement in Quetta and refuses to name Pakistan's malaise. Instead, he provides the creative spin on why Pakistanis keep dying in acts of sectarian terrorism. Talk is loud but cheap. Disingenuous pretenses of action have come at a heavy price for this nation's citizens.
US-based Human Rights Watch calls the escalation in sectarian violence "alarming" during Musharraf's regime. Why this escalation? Because extremist groups have been permitted to go underground, mutate and resurface as well-armed death squads, killing Pakistanis at will with little fear of punishment. General Musharraf has yet to distinguish himself by proving that he has changed the state's policy.
We are doctors, lawyers, CEOs of companies and presidents of banks. We are rich, poor and middle class. We are poets, authors, artists and journalists. We are bureaucrats, clerics, soldiers and generals. We are Parliamentarians and Ministers of State. We are Pakistanis, inseparable and inextricable from the fabric of Pakistan. But we have been wantonly murdered by what General Musharraf dismisses as a "wild illiterate minority". An extremely potent minority, which he is unwilling to defang, because these extremists are proxy warriors and jihad-ready militias.
Ironically, the September 11th tragedy reversed Pakistan's slide into misfortune. But the worst consequence of state patronage of these extremists is the severe "blowback" onto innocent Pakistanis.
In these four years when the General's diktat has loomed larger than previous dictators in Pakistan, 712 died in sectarian killings, 600 were Shi'a. The Friday Times reports that over 500, mostly Shi'a doctors, have fled Pakistan over the last couple of years, after more than 50 of their colleagues were assassinated in Karachi. More continue to leave rather than risk being shot, signifying their lack of confidence in the state's will to safeguard them. Police in Karachi have responded to these killings by recommending that doctors apply for gun licenses.
While on a sojourn in Kabul in 2000, Musharraf announced his decision not to alter the egregious Blasphemy Laws endorsed under General Zia--another leading indicator of how powerful this militant minority is vis-a-vis its bargaining power with the state. The Blasphemy Laws continue to inspire state sanctioned religious hatred, giving license to kill in the name of religion.
Will this government protect Pakistani citizens? Some chilling data points have emerged to answer this question. In October the death toll of murdered Shi'as this year, rose to 100. The usual noises were made by Islamabad, but again little action was taken. Yet following Azam Tariq's assassination, we were subjected to the appalling competition between government officials to eulogise the Maulana. How do they explain Azam Tariq's many public hate speeches, including an appearance in a BBC documentary exhorting madressah students to kill Shi'as? Or the myriad murder cases pending against him? The Interior Minister is quoted by The Daily Times as saying, "The Maulana was an honest, upright and bold person, who had performed remarkable services for the religion." Indeed.
Scores have been arrested or eliminated, yet sectarian killings continue unabated. How? These games of let's blame a "foreign hand" by government aficionados must stop. Too many Pakistanis are dead and will continue to die because of this government's failure to give us peace and security. Moreover, the accountability buck has to stop at General Musharraf since he has chosen to crown himself Pakistan's most powerful dictator, and with his chief security czar, Faisal Saleh Hyat who has chosen to serve in the General's reign of shame.
ENDS.
The News International
December 06, 2003
Civil society clamours for repeal of Qisas & Diyat Ordinance
By Farhat Anis
KARACHI: At a highly motivated forum comprising prominent members of civil society, it was demanded that the Qisas & Diyat Ordinance should be repealed as it had loopholes, which were against the Islamic injunctions and did not provide social justice to all.
The forum was provided by the National Commission on the Status of Women (NCSW) for the second day's group discussion on "The concept of Justice in Islam: Qisas & Diyat Ordinance (Act II of 1997)".
Justice Majida Rizvi presided over the session while Syeda Viquar-un-Nisa Hashmi, research associate at the National Commission on the Status of Women tried to get the maximum information and recommendations from the enlightened participants for the final report to be prepared and forwarded to the Government of Pakistan.
Dr Farooq Ahmed Khan, a religious scholar based in NWFP clarified the status of Wali (guardian) according to the religious studies that every man and woman are the "Wali" of each other.
Wali, he said, is not required to be a legal heir. According to him, honour killing is un-Islamic and Surah Nur mentions that if a man sees his wife in a compromising position with another person, he can take 'Lyan' (separation). Nowhere, he said, is it written that he has the right to kill the woman.
"The exchange of woman against the custom of Swara/Vani comes as "Zina bil Jabar" as the girls consent is never taken before giving her in marriage or exchange to the other party," said Niaz Siddiqi, IGP, Sindh, and an instructor at NIPA.
He stressed on social justice and said that there shouldn't be any rule of diverse justice. He blamed the judiciary and police for corrupting the law even more.
Shamim Siddiqi (MNA), Heer Soho (MPA), Bilqees Mukhtar (MPA), Abbas Jafri (MPA) belonging to the Muttahida and Mehreen Bhutto (MPA) PPP stressed greater awareness among the masses so that the feudals and other influentials, who manipulate the situation taking cover of the existing defects in the law for their personal interests should be taken to task.
It was demanded that the Diyat money should be assessed with the value of today's rupee and not with the age-old value of 100 camels.
Nargis Rehman stated that Islam stressed Ijtehad (consensus).
Why then, she queried, should we accept a law in which no consensus was taken and the law was promulgated overnight.
Justice Rashida Patel asked the National Commission on the Status of Women to study the law and the judgments given by our courts to see whether they had any cohesion. She said that compounding in the cases of Karo-Kari should be abolished.
Arif Hasan, Ardesher Cowasjee, Muhammad Yusuf (CPLC), Rahila Rahim, Nuzhat Shirin, Karamat Ali, Hamid Maker, and Salimah Ahmad also gave recommendations.
ENDS.
The News International
December 07, 2003
Judges term Karo-kari 'highly un-Islamic'
Differ on various clauses of Qisas & Diyat Ordinance; agree on accountability for judiciary
By Farhat Anis www.jang.com.pk/thenews/dec2003-daily/07-12-2003/metro/k8.htm
ENDS.
The Daily Star
December 07, 2003 Editorial
Anti-Ahamadia demonstrations
Religious tolerance precondition for democracy
Anti-Ahamadia zealots demonstrated against the sect again Friday and have given the government a one-week ultimatum to declare Ahamadias non-Muslims. This time several thousand were present at the hate-filled rally in Tejgaon in which the demonstrators threatened to either burn down or take over the Ahamadia mosque in Nakhalpara and vowed to bring the country to a standstill if their demands are not met.
This is utterly unacceptable. In the first place, who are these self-proclaimed arbiters of religious faith and what gives them the right to declare that another person is or is not a Muslim? In the second, what possible good can come of the government declaring the Ahamadia community non-Muslims. Nothing will thereby be accomplished, no one will benefit. To the contrary, the Ahamadia community will only be further marginalised and will have been denied their constitutional and human right to practice their religion freely without interference.
Finally, the government cannot sit idle as rabble-rousers threaten violence and destruction if they are not appeased. No group can be permitted to terrorise a community and intimidate the government with impunity.
The government must respond in the strongest possible manner to this kind of religious extremism. There can be no question of declaring any sect non-Muslim. This is not a question for the government in any event. Furthermore, the government cannot tolerate violent demonstrations that threaten the security and safety of any community and indeed all of us.
The government must crack down on this kind of incitement to sectarian violence with an iron hand. It is against the law in this country to foment religious hatred and violence. The ring-leaders are a matter of public record as are the group's plans and agenda that amount to organised terror.
This is a test for the government. It cannot permit this kind of lawlessness that could lead to the further disintegration of our society. Do we wish to live in a country where religious bigots can terrorise communities they disapprove of and dictate terms with threats of violence?
ENDS.
Posted by: Awaaz / 12/12/2003 12:37:29 PM
BJP Sweeps the assembly elections in India
Assembly Election Results
Chhattisgarh (Total seats 90) BJP 50, Cong 36, BSP 2, NCP 1
Delhi (Total seats 70) Cong 47, BJP 20, JD(S) 1, NCP 1, Ind. 1 Rajasthan (Total seats 200) BJP 120, Cong. 56, BSP 2, CPM 1, Others 21
M.P. (Total seats 230) BJP 172, Cong. 39, Others 19
Source: The Hindu
ENDS.
The Telegraph
December 05, 2003
Congress core crumbles
Mahesh Rangarajan
Barring Delhi, it was a saffron surge all the way. Not only did the Opposition BJP manage to wrest power from three Congress governments in a single day, an unprecedented event in its 23-year-old history, it went one better.
The mantra of the 21st century is new social combinations. But these have been played in a subtle manner in an election campaign dominated by issues of basic needs: power and water in Madhya Pradesh, jobs and industrial closures in Rajasthan. But in largely rural societies, the social engineering was critical to electoral success.
The Congress would have reason to be concerned with the results. Its share of states has fallen from 15 to 12, if Bihar is counted. But the BJPís list of state leaders shows a degree of social plurality. Two new incumbents are women: Uma Bharti and Vasundhara Raje. Bharti also increases the representation of other backward classes to two out of eight, Narendra Modi being the other. In addition, there are two adivasi chief ministers, one each in Arunachal Pradesh and Jharkhand.
What is missing is more significant. None of the chief ministers is either a brahmin or a bania, the two communities traditionally the core of the party since the days of the Jan Sangh. In fact, in Delhi, the city where such groups were its backbone, it has been decisively defeated by the Congress.
Detailed analysis indicates a major accretion for the BJP in core, traditional Congress bastions, including adivasi-dominated regions. In all, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan account for as many as 99 reserved scheduled tribe seats. The BJP took as many as 76 of them, leaving the Congress a paltry 16.
Chief minister Digvijay Singh in Bhopal had pinned hopes on adivasi voters sticking with the Congress. But the party suffered serious erosion. One factor may well have been the surge of the Gondwana Gantantra Party of the numerically significant Gond tribe. The party won as many as eight seats, of which six were general constituencies. In the process, it provided tribal voters with an option to the BJP even as it ate into the Congress vote share.
In other pockets, the Hindutva factor may well have played a key role. In Jhabua, which abuts the Gujarat border, of Madhya Pradesh, for instance, and even more so in Chhattisgarh. Contrary to Chhattisgarhís outgoing chief minister Ajit Jogiís hopes of cashing in on a tribal card, the promise of a cow and the long-term social work of the RSS-linked ashrams worked wonders. The BJP walked away with all but eight of the 34 reserved seats.
Dalits have a longer history of association with the BJP. But few had expected that in Rajasthan it would win as many as 26 of the 33 scheduled caste seats. The results here are less indicative of a surge of Dalit support. Unlike STs, the Dalits form a smaller proportion in the villages they live in.
But, given that chief minister Ashok Gehlot counted the creation of seven million labour days as a major achievement, it is a blow.
For the Sangh parivar, Madhya Pradesh was the key. The BJP ousted the Congress after a decade there. This was the only state mentioned at length in the Vijaya Dashami address of RSS chief K.S. Sudarshan.
But Hindutva was at play in organisational terms mainly in Madhya Pradesh and also Chhattisgarh.
For the BJP, this has been an election with a difference. It has beaten the Congress on grounds of the incumbent governmentsí non-performance, rather than on the emotive slogan of Hindutva. Unlike Uttar Pradesh in 1991 or Gujarat 2002, this was a campaign centred on governance-related issues. Whether the future will see a new kind of governance or not, the campaign was built around such promises.
On election day, speaking to a journalist, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra said there was no need for her to campaign as the "good work" of the Congress governments would see the party through. Since that has not happened, the pressure on the younger members of the clan to enter the ring will only increase. But this has been a setback to the gameplan of the Congress ó to capture and retain the states and then take the Centre.
As everyone gears up for the big battle for the Lok Sabha, it is the BJP that has a spring in its step.
ENDS.
Posted by: Awaaz / 12/12/2003 12:36:41 PM
Insaf Bulletin
5 December 2003
The curse of ethno-nationalism hits Assam
by Daya Varma
More than 50 Hindi-speaking people, almost all of them from poor and migrant Bihari laborer families, have been killed in Assam. The death toll continues to rise. The feeling of insecurity now runs deep among the Hindi-speaking people in the North-East, especially Biharis in Assam. After years and decades of hard toil, in the course of which many had virtually made Assam their home, the threat of forcible eviction now suddenly stares them in the face. Fear has become their constant companion.
Regional or ethnic violence has become a recurrent feature of politics in Assam. In the late 1970s and 1980s, deportation of 'foreigners' was the central demand of the Assam movement. Ironically, in the name of deporting illegal Bangladeshi immigrants important ULFA (United Liberation Front of Assam) operatives themselves took refuge in Bangladesh. Now Biharis find themselves at the receiving end of this parochial 'xenophobic' frenzy. The present spate of ULFA-sponsored violence is directed against the most vulnerable sections of any society, migrant laborers.
In the 50's and 60's liberation movement were anti-colonial and anti-imperialist. They were guided by a definite politics and ideology, and more importantly they were under the organizational control of a political formation with worthy goals. One did not see reactionary form of nationalism directed against other communities, rich or poor. Ethno-nationalism, on the other hand, is first and foremost any ally of imperialism and in the case of India an ally of the US-India axis. Because most of these reactionary, and quite frequently fascistic, formations have labeled themselves "Liberation" forces, even democratic and progressive sections of the society sometimes get lured into sympathizing with them. During a visit to Bangladesh by one of the members of INSAF a few years ago, a leader of one of the NGOs wanted to arrange a meeting between him and ULFA leaders who are always there. The meeting never materialized and the idea was rejected but it goes to show how these reactionaries have infiltrated the ranks of democratic sections of the society.
In all such "Liberation" upsurges, only two things are obvious. On one hand, it allows the government authorities unable or unwilling to distinguish between a armed militant and innocent citizen, to loose a reign of terror on the general population, and on the other hand it allows the self-proclaimed leaders of the people to plunder and kill innocent people slightly different from their breed, ethnically, culturally or religiously. In Kashmir, Pundits had to leave. In North-East Sri Lanka, any one not a Tamil Hindu and sympathetic to Liberation Tigers had to leave. During the Khalistan movement, Bihari peasants had to go back to their villages. In Assam, Bengalis were targeted in the 80's and Biharis are now.
The government of India itself is based on ethno-nationalism, pitting Hindus against Muslims now and Hindus against some one else tomorrow. Shiva Sena's wrath was against non-Maharashtrians earlier; it is against Muslims now. Consequently, nothing can be expected from this government. Whether people can organize themselves in time and numbers to put an end to this regressive ethno-nationalism in all its forms is central to Indian politics. Ethno-nationalism must be defeated if India is to survive. It is encouraging at this juncture to see citizens rallying in Guwahati, Assam, for unity and peace under the banner CPI(ML), CPI, CPI(M), SUCI, RSP, JD(S) and Samajwadi Party. One can hope that they will also rally for peace and harmony in all of India. (Based on a report in CPIML Update November 26, 2003)
ENDS.
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