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| News and information provided in conjunction with South Asia Citizens Wire and other sources Wednesday, April 07, 2004Posted by: Awaaz / 4/07/2004 11:17:46 AM[NEWS DIGEST PROVIDED IN CONJUNCTION WITH SOUTH ASIA CITIZENS WIRE - www.sacw.net] The Telegraph [India] April 04, 2004 OUR FORGETTABLE FOREFATHERS It is up to us to unlearn Golwalkar's lessons by Githa Hariharan [PHOTO: RSS rally in which Golwalkar presided (Calcutta, 1972) ] We can't help having the ancestors we have. But there is one good thing about growing up. We can use our judgment. We can make up our own minds about those stern black-and-white photographs lining our walls like a hallowed pantheon. We can use our adult sense of good and bad, right and wrong, to decide which of these worthies are significant for us in one way or the other. Several can be safely forgotten as inconsequential or irrelevant. More important is the shortlist of forefathers (and foremothers) we need to remember. Of these, some are memorable because their lives, though lived in the past, light our way in the present. Others we must never forget precisely because they were, and continue to be, a malignant influence. Dangerous, even in the form of their legacies. As with our individual families, so with the nation's extended family. Our India, like any of our little families, has its share of shining and not-so-shining ancestors. Both sets have descendants who keep them alive, suitably framed, garlanded and quoted. Learning from icons - the little family's or the big family's - is not such a bad thing. But not all of them taught the right lessons. Some ancestors, and their legacies, can help us only if we unlearn their beliefs and ideas. Consider just one of these gurujis from our nation's past, a man whose ideas inspire so many today: Madhav Sadhashiv Golwalkar. I recently came across a tattered, heavily underlined copy of Golwalkar's book, We or Our Nationhood Defined, which was first published in 1939. The cover of the book was torn, and the photograph on the frontispiece looked up at me intently. It's a remarkable photograph. Like all those solemn old black-and-white studio photographs, this one too has a relentless head-on, frontal view. The posture is stiff, the eyes unsmiling. They seem to invite the beholder into the mysterious soul of the photographed man. The long, curly hair has been tamed and neatly combed. The dark moustache and beard are trimmed. The "costume" has been chosen with care for the image that will be handed down to posterity. The dark jacket with the emerging ruffled white collar, and the short pointed beard gives the young Golwalkar the look of a pirate who takes himself seriously. I assume that this photograph was taken well after Golwalkar had finished his science course in the Hindu University in Varanasi and got his degree in law. He must have already been a professor of zoology, the professor who chose to work for the "Hindu cause" under Madan Mohan Malviya's influence, and which choice had crystallized under the influence of the "magnetic" Keshav Baliram Hedgewar. Golwalkar subsequently became the second sar-sanghachalak of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, and steered the organization for the 33 years between 1940 and 1973. Under his leadership, the RSS grew. With Golwalkar's ideas on Hindu rashtra, his years as the helmsman of the RSS widened and strengthened the ideological basis of the Sangh, and saw the resurgence of the "Hindu movement". A number of RSS affiliates, such as the Vidyarthi Parishad, the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and the Bharatiya Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram, came into existence. Golwalkar has been described in numerous ways by some of his admiring descendants, our contemporaries. He is the "saviour of Hinduism", a "crusader for a strong and united India", a "staunch nationalist", and a guru who instilled patriotism in millions of youth, making them "effective instruments for the worship of Bharat Mata as her worthy children." (Also, his face was "luminous with innate intellect and learning". He played only "Indian games such as kusti". He hated cricket.) Golwalkar is revered as a crusader for a strong India. I don't think any of us could have any objections to a strong India. But that word "strong" is the problem. Does Golwalkar's idea of a strong nation leave anything behind of India at all? To live the life of a nation, says Golwalkar, five factors - geographical, racial, religious, cultural and linguistic - must become one "indissoluble" whole. For him, every action, whether individual, social or political, is the result of a religious command; it is not possible to "complete" the idea of a nation without one national religion or one national culture. Perhaps the picture of Golwalkar is best brought to life through his own uncompromising words. Take, for example, these words from the science-teaching nationalist in We or Our Nationhood Defined: "To keep up the purity of the Race and its culture, Germany shocked the world by her purging the country of the semitic Races - the Jews. Race pride at its highest has been manifested here. Germany has also shown how well nigh impossible it is for Races and cultures, having differences going to the root, to be assimilated into one united whole, a good lesson for us in Hindusthan to learn and profit by." This means that our Habib Tanveers and Husains and Shabana Azmis and the millions of less-known others with "foreign" names belong to another culture, even another race. They will never be "assimilated" by "Hindusthan" although they know no world but India as we live it. "So long as they maintain their racial, religious and cultural differences, they cannot but be only foreigners, who may be either friendly or inimical to the Nation." In other words, these "foreigners" are enemies till proven innocent by a jury made up of Golwalkar's descendants. Like so many of us, Golwalkar too was anxious to address the heterogeneous nature of Indian life. Except that his view of this enthralling, bewildering heterogeneity is a simple, straightforward "Muslim problem". "From this standpoint," he writes, "sanctioned by the experience of shrewd old nations, the foreign races in Hindusthan must either adopt the Hindu culture and language, must learn to respect and hold in reverence Hindu religion, must entertain no idea but those of the glorification of the Hindu race and culture, i.e. of the Hindu nation and must lose their separate existence to merge in the Hindu race, or may stay in the country, wholly subordinated to the Hindu Nation, claiming nothing, deserving no privileges, far less any preferential treatment - not even citizen's rights." Just over two years back, India - and Indians - were set ablaze. Those stories, so many that they make up a long and indelible roll-call of horror, have not found their place in election advertisements. These stories - murder, rape and looting in times of war, and fear, discrimination and ghetto-building in times of peace - are, alas, true stories, unlike some manufactured in an imaginative ad agency. Stories we need to remember and respond to, however painful they are, for one important reason. They happened in the same India that has now suddenly been blessed with roads, farmers' credit cards, and the gloss of PR packaging. Guruji's lessons have been learnt well by those who are now at the gates. Perhaps these barbarians at the gate are "proud of being born in the great lineage of rishis and yogis", just as Guruji would have liked. It's up to the rest of us to dismantle Guruji's legacy of nation-breaking lessons. [ENDS] URGENT ACTION REQUESTED Indian Rationalist Leader Sreeni Pattathanam needs support! Sreeni Pattathanam Kerala Government renews attempts to prosecute author for book with explosive details on religious leader Mata Amritanandamayi, the "Hugging Mother" Hugging Mother Mata Amritanandamayi (nee Sudhamani, 1953) of Kerala is known to the world as the 'hugging mother'. She was also the subject of a television documentary in the 'Weird Weekends' series on BBC TV, presented by Louis Theroux. She hugs people and passes on to them 'energy'. Reputedly she has hugged and healed some 20 million people all over the world as part of her mission. On Fridays she acts as the goddess Kali, and on many occasions she has claimed to be Lord Krishna himself. Like god man Satya Sai Baba, she too has many devotees: BJP leaders like Prime Minister of India A.B. Vajpayee, Home Minister of India L.K. Advani, and also Congress Party Chief Minister (of Kerala) A.K. Antony are amongst them. Home Ministry records of the Government of India show that the Mata Amritanadamayi Mission is the second largest recipient in India of foreign funds - in 1998-99 alone Rs. 51.55 crores were received (about 515 million Indian Rupees or about 11.5 million US Dollars). Educational institutions established by this primary school drop out enjoy Deemed University status; Penguin India published her authorized biography ('Amma, A Living Saint' by Judith Cornell) where her miracles and her boundless love are highlighted, and the train Amrit Express (Palghat Town- Thiruvananthapuram) is named after her. Sacred Stories and Realities In 2002, rationalist leader Mr. Sreeni Pattathanam, General Secretary of Bharateeya Rationalist Association - the Kerala State affiliate of the Rationalist Association of India, a member of IHEU - and Editor of the Malayalam language rationalist monthly Yukthirajyam, published a 170 page book in Malayalam: 'Matha Amruthandamayi - Divya Kadhakalum Yatharthiavum' (Matha Amrithanandamayi: Sacred Stories and Realities, Mass Publications, revised edition). 'Matha Amruthandamayi - Divya Kadhakalum Yathar-thiavum'. Book cover front and back page Mr. Pattathanam's efforts to bring to light facts are pioneering, and his main contentions are that the Mata's claims to miracles are bogus, and that there have been many suspicious deaths in and around her ashram which need police investigation. The research work contains elaborate references to court records, news paper reports and quotations from well known literary figures, including statements from the Mata's close relatives, as well as an interview with Mata Amritanandamayi herself. In 2002, members of the Bharathiya Rationalist Association staged a protest demonstration outside the Government secretariat in Thiruvananthapuram calling for an impartial inquiry into the allegations of suspicious deaths as well as the activities of the so-called charitable institutions being run by the influential 'god woman'. Government and Public Response Instead of investigating the allegations and examining the evidence produced, the state government - headed by the Mata's ardent devotee the Chief minister A.K. Antony - initiated moves to prosecute Mr Pattathanam for making 'objectionable references' to the spiritual leader, and for 'hurting the religious sentiments of her devotees'. With great alacrity, the state government moved swiftly, and statements from Sreeni Pattathanam as well as the publisher and printer were recorded by the police inspector of Karunagappally. The relevant law sought to be applied would be Section 295-A which criminalizes 'insulting or attempting to insult the religion or religious beliefs of any class of citizens with an intention of outraging its religious feelings'. Rising to the occasion, a group of writers and social activists headed by eminent Malayalee author Paul Zacharia and Human Rights activist Mr. Mukundan C. Menon issued a statement condemning the vindictive nature of the government's moves. "Since certain ruling politicians, both at the federal and state governments, are known devotees of the Mata, we have reasons to suspect that there is a sinister and malicious conspiracy behind the move to prosecute Mr Sreeni Pattathanam". Because of the ensuing international attention, the government relented and halted its steps to facilitate the prosecution of the author. However, a relentless internet-based campaign was launched by the Mata's devotees against those who came to Sreeni Pattathanam's defence. Mr. Pattathanam's Statement Both Mr. Pattathanam as well as Mr. C.I. Oommen, President of the Bharateeya Rationalist Association, Kerala, met with IHEU leaders in January 2003. In a videotaped interview with IHEU Executive Director Babu Gogineni they told about their fears that in view of the prevailing campaign against rationalists, and the rise of Hindu fundamentalism, the danger for them was still not over, and that efforts to prosecute would be restarted. Mr. Pattathanam could be arrested and even tortured. "Custodial deaths are not uncommon in Kerala", they reminded us. Mr. Oommen Mr. Pattathanam emphasized elsewhere: "I believe that I worked in accordance with the Indian Constitution Š they are trying to deny me my constitutional rights. This inhuman and cruel move against a writer by Hindu Fascists should be stopped". He told a newspaper "If the charges contained in my book are baseless, the devotees could have published a rejoinder. They have published malicious reports against rationalists in their publications". Urgent Message IHEU has now received urgent messages from Mr. Pattathanam that on the pretext of executing a High Court judgement, the State Government has reopened the issue and the State Home secretary has summoned Mr. Pattathanam to present himself before him on 18 March 2003 for questioning. IHEU's Call for Action IHEU notes that Mr. Pattathanam was instrumental several years ago in exposing the 'miracle' of the divine makarajyoti light, which 'appears' during the annual Ayyappa pilgrimage in Kerala on a remote hill. Leaders of the Bharateeya Rationalist Association have also performed immense public service to the people of India by stopping - through the means of a Public Interest Litigation in the Kerala High Court - the fraudulent claims of Mr.Majeed of Fair Pharma who earned millions of Rupees by claiming that his (unverified and unapproved) AIDS cure IMMUNO QR had saved 100,000 patients. IHEU calls upon the Kerala state government to stop immediately the harassment of a respected rationalist who is performing public service by protecting the gullible and innocent through his investigations. IHEU supports Mr. Pattathanam's efforts to expose the truth behind claims to miracles. IHEU defends Mr. Pattathanam's freedom of expression and his rights as an author and applauds his courage in bringing to light important facts about suspected crimes. IHEU calls upon the Kerala State government to uphold the principles of secularism and Humanism incorporated in Article 51 A (h) of the Indian Constitution which enjoins every Indian citizen to develop scientific temper and Humanism. [...] IHEU is bringing the urgent matter to the attention also of Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Reporters Sans Frontieres, The International Committee for the Protection of Journalists and the UN Special Rapporteur of Freedom of Religion or Belief. Rationalist Association of India and IHEU The Rationalist Association of India is a full member of the International Humanist and Ethical Union. [Other officials to whom letters can be adressed in support of Mr. Pattathanam] - Governor of Kerala: Fax + 91 -471-2720266 - Director General of Police, Kerala: Fax: + 91 - 471 - 2726560 Email: dgp@scrb.com - Principal Secretary Home (Police) Fax: + 91 - 471 - 2327582 Email: prisecy@home.kerala.gov.in [ENDS] 4 April 2004 Subject: HSS SHIBIR [Camp] IN GERMANY Dear Friends, The following is the text of a letter sent by South Asia Solidarity Group and Asian Women Unite! to German MPs and Ministers expressing our concern about the HSS 'European Shibir 2004' being organised in Germany from 9-12 April. Please support the campaign against the spreading of hatred by far right Hindutva organisations in the diaspora by writing to the addresses given below. South Asia Solidarity Group 299, Kentish Town Road, London NW5 2TJ +44 207 267 0923, sasg@southasiasolidarity.org, www.southasiasolidarity.org Mr. Joschka Fischer Foreign Minister Dear Mr Joschka Fischer, Re: Grave concerns about 'European Shibir 2004', Bergneustadt 9 -12 April As organisations representing South Asian communities in Britain, we are writing to express our grave concern about a camp organised by right-wing Hindu extremists for the purpose of promoting religious violence which is to take place in Haus-Veste-Nyestadt - Schullandheim, 51702 Bergneustadt from 9-12 April this year. The organisers, the HSS (Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh) are the international wing of India's RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh). The organiser in Germany is Ashok Chadha, Mondorfer Str. 70, 53117 Bonn, tel. +49 228 663813, email chadhabonn@aol.com The RSS planned and carried out the murder of Mahatma Gandhi in 1948. More recently, it has been proved to have played a central role in orchestrating and perpetrating terror attacks on India's minority Muslim and Christian communities - this includes the rape and murder of Christian nuns in Madhya Pradesh in 1998, the demolition of the historic 500 year old Babri mosque in 1992 and the attacks on Muslims in Gujarat in 2002 in which more than 2000 were murdered, the majority women and children. This role has been highlighted in reports by Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and other international bodies. The RSS/ HSS, who are self-avowed admirers of Hitler and Nazism, use such Shibirs or camps abroad as well as in India both to inculcate the participants with an ideology of religious hatred and Hindu supremacism as well as to impart physical training . The RSS/ HSS openly encourages young men and women to commit violent acts in the defence of what they consider Hindu religion and patriotism. As you may be aware, the British wing of the HSS is already under investigation by the Charity Commission after being shown to have direct links with organisations perpetrating religious violence in India, and to have supplied funds to these organisations on a large scale. These links have been clearly established first by a Channel 4 news report broadcast on 12 December 2002 and more recently in an in- depth investigation by Awaaz South Asia Watch, 'In Bad Faith? British charities and Hindu extremism' (February 2004). We are aware of Germany's stated commitment to prevent the establishment in Germany of groups that preach intolerance and violence against people of other religious, political and social persuasions, and organisations which are opposed to democratic values. In the light of this we would request you in the strongest possible terms to ensure that the HSS is not given a platform in Germany and this event is not allowed to take place. We look forward to hearing from you soon regarding this matter. yours sincerely Sarbjit Johal For South Asia Solidarity Group Menaha Kandasamy For Asian Women Unite! Please use this as a model to write to the following people: 1. Der Landtag von Nordrhein-Westfalen Fax: +49-221-884-2258 Email: email@landtag.nrw.de 2. Mr. Hagen Julius Jobi ( MP for NRW) hagen.jobi@landtag.nrw.de 3. Ms. Marianne Huerten (MP for NRW): marianne.huerten@landtag.nrw.de 4. Prof. Friedrich Wilke (from the area and in the local Parliament): friedrich.wilke@landtag.nrw.de 5. Ms. Donata Reinecke : donata.reinecke@landtag.nrw.de 6. Mr. Weert Boerner: weert.boerner@diplo.de 7. Mr. Joschka Fischer, foreign minister FAX +49 1 888 1752390 8. NRW Home Minister Mr. Fritz Behrens: c/o info@oedp-nrw.de Posted by: Awaaz / 4/07/2004 11:17:06 AM [NEWS DIGEST PROVIDED IN CONJUNCTION WITH SOUTH ASIA CITIZENS WIRE - www.sacw.net] [March 27, 2004] >** India seeks to arrest US scholar ** >India seeks the arrest of an American scholar who wrote a controversial biography of Shivaji. URL: < news.bbc.co.uk/go/em/fr/-/2/hi/south_asia/3561499.stm > Dear Friends: I write in regards to the recent controversy over a US scholar's history book in India. As some of you may know, James Laine, a professor of religious studies at Macalester College in MN, has published a book through Oxford University Press entitled SHIVAJI: HINDU KING IN ISLAMIC INDIA. As a result of its publication, Indian scholars and scholarly institutes in Western India (Maharashtra) have been harassed and ransacked. The controversy has grown to such ridiculous proportions that the Indian Prime Minister has commented on the book, "warning" Laine, and the Maharashtra government has called for his ARREST through Interpol. See the above BBC story. If you don't have the book, get it! It is quite good. As with The Satanic Verses and The Myth of the Holy Cow (or Harry Potter for that matter), those who seek its ban have usually not read the book in question and certainly have no desire for nuance or precision. SHIVAJI: HINDU KING IN ISLAMIC INDIA is about the role of myth and legend in the construction of historical memory. One claim in the book in particular has raised people's ire---that Shivaji's mother may have had an affair with someone other than his "real" father. For this, Indian politicians have claimed that Indian pride has been insulted and that this is an insult to the nation. It's a shame that the nation has such thin skin, but it is also easy to see why nationalists would be so threatened by this book. I've looked at the passages in question. They are in Chapter 5 of the book, especially in the first, full paragraph on p. 93. Without a doubt in my mind, this controversy is a bunch of nonsense---politically motivated through and through. Laine begins this chapter with a quote from W.E.B. DuBois. Let me requote it for you: "[O]ne is astonished in the study of history at the recurrence of the idea that evil must be forgotten, distorted, skimmed over.... We must forget that George Washington was a slaveowner...and simply remember the things we regard as creditable and inspiring. The difficulty with this philosophy is that history loses its value as an incentive and example; it paints perfect men and noble nations, but does not tell the truth." (p. 89) Shivaji is one of these perfect heroes in mythic history. Laine's goal is to illustrate the tensions between myth and history, not by historically proving one thing or another, but by raising a panoply of "questions that haven't or can't be asked." By revealing the gap between what is known or thought to be known, and the unasked (let alone unanswered) questions, Laine hopes to provide foundation for further serious, historical inquiry. To this end, he begins with a discussion of Texas and myths related to Davy Crockett and the Alamo (timely, given the new movie coming out on this topic). He then states: "My primary claim is not that I have a truer, more objective history than the standard accounts. What I would prefer to do is look once again at the emerging narrative that we have considered to see those places where the authors themselves have carefully avoided saying something, or where they say something rather abruptly in order to answer some unexpressed concern. Such a pursuit will allow us NOT TO SEE THE "REAL" SHIVAJI BUT TO BETTER APPRECIATE THE IDEOLOGICAL CONCERNS OF THE MANY AUTHORS WHO HAVE SHAPED THE NARRATIVE TRADITION OF SHIVAJI'S LEGENDARY LIFE. [Caps added for emphasis] The real issue is what the authors are saying about themselves, about the dreams they hold, the dreams they see expressed in the tales of their hero." (p. 90) Laine then broaches the "unthinkable thoughts" and dares to ask questions that haven't been asked. Among 5 questions, can we imagine, he asks, if Shivaji had an unhappy family life. In an elaborate multi-page answer to this question, Laine provides some speculation, not quite idle, but not "proof of the fact" either. But his goal is not to prove a point of view, but precisely only to illustrate people's popular ideas versus some "thoughts that cannot be thought." To this end, Laine states on p. 93: "The repressed awareness that Shivaji has an absentee father is also revealed by the fact that Maharashtrians tell jokes naughtily suggesting that his guardian Dadaji Konddev was his biological father. In a sense, because Shivaji's father had little influence on his son, for many narrators it was most important to supply him with father replacements, Dadaji and later Ramdas. But perhaps we read the story of his life as goverened by motivations buried deep in his psyche by a mother rejected by her husband. [This point is discussed on the previous page.] One could then see that Shivaji's drive to heroism was spurred by his attempt to please his doting mother, and that she, aware of her Yadava heritage and thinking of her husband as a collaborator of low birth, instilled in her son the dream of a revived Hindu kingdom...." "None of these unseemly facts accord well with the family values of contemporary middle-class Indians, and are largely ignored in popular modern accounts...." "The great man was great because of his public deeds, and as a great man, he is presumed to be a man whose private virtues informed his domestic life. But, in fact, we know virtually nothing of his family affairs." These last lines are critical, because they acknowledge the weakness in our historical knowledge. More questions need to be asked and more research done. Laine does not claim that he is providing the definitive answers. Laine's book and the crisis surrounding it are therefore battlegrounds on freedom of speech and freedom of expression issues. How can we pursue ideal, objective scholarship if certain questions cannot even be asked, let alone certain answers ever be provided? One does not have to agree with Laine's conclusions or with his assessments. But that is what scholarly debate is for. Material that "breaks ground" gets us thinking about new issues, and in new ways. It does not imply that it is definitive, that it is the "last word." It might or might not be, but we'll only know after healthy, vigorous debate. But we can't have that if this debate is clotured before it is even begun. Banning books only reveals the fear of debate that the banners have. Which leads to the question: what are they so afraid of? What gives the banners the right to determine what we can or cannot discuss, what we can and cannot think or say? Think about DuBois' prescient analysis. Therein lies the rub. Sincerely, Manu Bhagavan Assistant Professor Department of History and Political Science Manchester College N. Manchester, IN 46962 [USA] [ENDS] This appeal with signatures given below was sent to all secular political parties as decided on 23rd March meeting of the DEFEAT BJP FORUM. Next step is the PRESS CONFERENCE, 30TH MARCH 2004, 12 NOON, PRESS CLUB OF INDIA PLEASE MAKE IT A POINT TO COME AND ASK/ BRING ALONG LIKE-MINDED FRIENDS. THE NUMBERS COUNT BJP Harao Manch DEFEAT BJP FORUM 38/2 Probyn Road,University of Delhi New Delhi-110007 Telephone- 27666253/26691162 somanshu@bol.net.in/ madhuchopra@hotmail.com 26.3.2004 Dear We are a group of citizens who have come together with a single goal: to be part of the struggle to defeat the BJP in the forthcoming general elections and therefore save the country from the pernicious ideology and practice of the RSS. This is the most crucial election since Independence. At stake is the survival of India's republican constitution and the plural, democratic conception of society on which it is based and which it defends. Since the 1920's this has been opposed by the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh and the proliferating fronts that form its parivar. Today, the democratic process is being used to threaten the future of democracy itself in the country. The RSS which is accountable to no-one is exerting a dangerous extra-constitutional authority. Assaults on the minorities and other vulnerable sections, and in the sphere of education and culture, are becoming more and more audacious as the BJP, the political arm of the RSS, is strengthening its hold over the apparatus of the state. No action is taken against the lawless conduct of the sangh parivar even when they maim and kill. On the other hand BJP leaders, including the Prime Minister, reproach the victims for not accommodating their tormentors. Unfortunately the BJP has been able to significantly increase its electoral strength largely because the substantial secular vote is divided among different political parties. We therefore appeal to you, as leaders of parties in whom the people have reposed their trust, to do whatever is possible to prevent such a division from benefiting the BJP in the coming election. It is our earnest hope that your mature and responsible leadership will not allow partisan interests to gain priority over the present imperative necessity of defending constitutional governance and the democratic system itself. Yours sincerely, Nirmalangshu Mukherji, Delhi University Madhu Prasad, Delhi University Priyedarshi Jetli, Philosophy, Delhi University Tista Bagchi, Linguistics, Delhi University Uday Kumar, English, Delhi University Saswati Mazumdar, German & Slavic, Delhi University Rimli Bhattacharya, English, Delhi University Gautam Chakravarty, English, Delhi University Sambuddha Sen, English, Delhi University Tanika Sarkar, History, JNU Sumit Sarkar, History, Delhi University Rachna Nagpal, Psychology, Delhi University Ashok Nagpal, Psychology, Delhi University Anand Chakravarty, Sociology, Delhi University Uma Chakravarty, History, Delhi University Javed Malik, English, Delhi University Neeraj Malik, English, Delhi University Monoranjan Mohanty, Political Science, Delhi University Honey Oberoi, Psychology, Delhi University O.K.Yadav,Samajik Nyaya Morcha D. Prempati, Bahujan Vam Shakti Dileep Swamy, Retd., Delhi University Kamal Nain Kabra ,Retd., Delhi University Murtaza Husain, Delhi High Court R.S.Adil ,Delhi High Court A.K.Arun, Yuva Morcha Raja Ram, Retd CMO, Agra Vilas Sonawane, All India Social Justice Front Mastram Kapoor Tripurari Sharma, Sarvodya Leader Sushiela Sahai, Former Minister, Bihar Bipin Bihari Sinha, Gandhi Nidhi, Bihar Suresh Bhatt, PUCL, Patna Prabhat Sandil, Journalist, Gaya Dhan Singh Josh, Satya Shodhak Samaj, Delhi Harivansh, Editor, Prabhat Khabbar Prakash Mankotia, Bahujan Vam Shakti Surya Dev Yadav, Advocate, Patna Ganpath Rai, Social Justice Front D. Prakash Louis, Director, Insian Social Institute Leni Thomas, Bahujan Vam Shakti,Calcutta Bhupendra Yadav,M.D.University Amir Arifi, Delhi University Tripta vahi, Delhi University Vijay Singh, Delhi University Zahoor Siddiqui, Delhi University Nishat Siddiqui Khalid Alvi, Delhi University B.P.Sharma, Delhi University Shashi Sharma T.M.Thomas, Delhi University Anil Nauria, Supreme Court M.A.Jawed, Delhi University Shagufta Jamal, Jamia Millia Islamia Nasreen Hashmi, Teacher, Social Activist Arjun Dev, Historian Indira Arjun Dev, Historian Asad Ali, Jamia Millia Islamia Jawed Naqvi, Journalist Sudhir Chauhan, Delhi University A.N.Roy, Delhi University V.P.Sharma Nandita Narain. Delhi University V.K.Tripathi, IIT, Delhi S.R.Kidwai, JNU Lima Kanungo, Delhi University Shamim Hanfi, Writer Badri Raina, Delhi University K.P.Shankaran, Delhi University Vinod Chauhan Amar Singh , Delhi University Girish Mishra, Academician and Journalist Harbans Mukhia, JNU Ali Javed, Delhi University Amresh Ganguly, Delhi University [ENDS] The Hindu [India] March 30, 2004 STATISTICS AND DEMOGRAPHY By C. Rammanohar Reddy Suggestions that Hindus will turn into a minority are simply not validated by any projections of scholarly integrity. FOR DECADES, the fringe elements in Indian politics have drummed up a vision of an India in which uncontrolled fertility among Muslims will reduce Hindus to a minority. Increasingly, supposedly scholarly analysis is being presented to give an intellectual veneer to this argument. An excellent example is Religious Demography of India, authored by A.P. Joshi, M.D. Srinivas and J.K. Bajaj (JSB), published last year with a foreword by no less than the Deputy Prime Minister, L.K. Advani. Critics have commented on the authors' questionable categories of `Indian Religionists' (i.e. mainly Hindus) and `Other Religionists' (Muslims and Christians), the latter by implication are `non-Indian' people. They have commented on the authors' equally questionable geographic categories of `India' and the `Indian Union' - the former covering what is India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, while the latter is the India we live in. The core argument, however, is contained in a few pages (pp37-39). There is a very suggestive graph of two intersecting lines. One shows the declining share of `Indian Religionists' (IR) in the population of `India' from 1901 to 1991, which is projected up to 2071. The second is the rising share of the `Other Religionists' (OR) over the same period. This graph persuades the authors to observe that "if the trends of the last hundred years continue to persist in the future, then Indian Religionists shall become a minority in the near future" (p38). The lines cross between 2051 and 2061. That is when Hindus are projected to become a minority and Muslims and Christians a majority. Leave aside the social connotations of referring to `Indian Religionists' and `Other Religionists' and the political implications of using `India' to refer to three countries. The crucial question is: How valid are projections that say Hindus will soon turn into a minority? None whatsoever. The statistical techniques the authors JSB have used to project past trends into the future are inappropriate, yield inconsistent results and are a good example of an abuse of statistics to prove a pre-determined conclusion. Population projections are regularly made by international agencies. But as K. Navaneetham, a demographer at the Centre for Development Studies, Thiruvananthapuram, points out, these estimates are based on trends in the three determinants of population growth: fertility, mortality and migration. In contrast, Religious Demography merely projects past movements of population shares/ratios into the future. The bigger problem lies in the statistical model that has been used to generate the conclusion of a Muslim-majority `India' by 2061. A particular mathematical equation - a third order polynomial - has been estimated in order to extrapolate the 1901-1991 IR and OR ratios up to 2071. However, there is no statistical validity in this model. Chandan Mukherjee, also at the CDS, points out that while polynomial equations can indeed serve the purpose when examining changes between two points of time or even for extrapolations into the near future, they yield major errors when used for long-term projections. To illustrate, Dr. Mukherjee and Dr. Navaneetham use the same population share data for 1901-1991 and the same equation to extend the projections that JSB come up with a century after 2071. The share of Hindus in the total population (i.e. the IRs) does keep falling decade after decade, and that of the others keeps rising. So much so that by 2171, the IRs' share falls to minus (yes, minus) 5 per cent and that of the rest to 105 per cent! This is clearly absurd. But these results are very much part of the same model that Religious Demography uses to extend the past into the future. In another exercise, the CDS researchers also use the same model but make projections with the data on the 1901-1991 population, not ratios. The IR population share does fall and that of the OR increases. But there are two differences. One, the decline is much more gradual, so much so that even by 2171, the IRs will still be a majority. Second, the total population of `India' projected for 2051 turns out to be much larger than the U.N.'s projections for India, Pakistan and Bangladesh for the same year: 3.8 billion versus 2.2. billion. By 2171, according to the projections generated by the polynomial, the population of the region would rise to an astronomical 16 billion. This is clearly impossible and reveals the fundamental flaws of the Religious Demography model. In other words, the picture that the authors draw to suggest that Hindus will turn into a minority is simply not validated by any projections of scholarly integrity. The problem essentially is that techniques of the kind the authors have used are totally inappropriate for making long-term projections. In an exhaustive critique, D. Jayaraj and S. Subramanian of the Madras Institute of Development Studies point out (Economic and Political Weekly, March 20, 2004) similar and many more fundamental errors in the JSB analysis. One absurdity is that, as a cross-check, if the same polynomial equation is used to make a projection into the past, then we will find that in 1781, Hindus accounted for 99.7 per cent of the `India' population. And if the same equation is used to project the share of Asians in the U.S. population, then we will end up saying that by 2140 Asians will be a majority in that country! What we have here then is neither statistics nor demography. It is the use of pseudo-statistics in the interests of pseudo-demography, the objective being to feed a fear of the minorities. [ENDS] DAWN [Pakistan] March 31, 2004 A curriculum of hatred By Zubeida Mustafa The religious parties in Pakistan are at loggerheads with the government on yet another issue: the so-called "exclusion" of some Quranic verses from the biology textbook for Intermediate classes. What has annoyed the MMA? It all began three weeks ago when in reply to a question in the National Assembly, the federal education minister explained that the inclusion of Quranic verses is not a requirement of the curriculum. While replying to a supplementary, the parliamentary secretary further provoked the self-appointed guardians of our morals, when he attempted to reinforce the minister's argument by questioning the relevance of the excluded verses to biology. This created quite a rumpus in the House and the opposition staged a walk-out. It was later persuaded to return to the chamber to hear the information minister dutifully tender an apology and the education minister assure the House that no change was made in the curricula on any external pressure. But, intriguingly, the controversy has refused to die down. A fortnight later the Punjab teachers union announced its decision to launch a protest movement from Gujranwala from April 15 if the verses, which pertain to jihad, were not reinstated. It has been reported that at the heart of this controversy is a report released by the SDPI, an independent think tank. Titled The Subtle Subversion: The State of Curricula and Textbooks in Pakistan, this report, which draws extensively from the research on the subject by Dr Rubina Saigol, an educational sociologist, without adequately and specifically acknowledging it, points out that the curricula and textbooks in Pakistan were insensitive to the existing religious diversity of the nation, incited militancy and violence, and encouraged prejudice, bigotry and discrimination towards fellow-citizens, especially women and religious minorities. The religious parties are not too pleased that the curricula prescribed by the curriculum wing of the Ministry of Education and the books produced by the textbook boards have come under the spotlight. Since the days when General Ziaul Haq used his authority backed by military power to induct religion into every sphere of national life and then use it to perpetuate a narrow right-wing ideology, the public sector education system in the country has been harnessed to promote a mindset which upholds retrogressive values. But why was no notice taken of this state of affairs before? The fact is that for at least two decades the media has been trying to draw the attention of the authorities to the dismal state of the textbooks and the distortions in their contents. But all the editorials and articles have proved to be a cry in the wilderness. Much before the SDPI commissioned this report, Dr Rubina Saigol wrote a profoundly insightful paper, "The boundaries of consciousness: interface between the curriculum, gender and nationalism" in a book called Locating the Self (published by ASR, Lahore, in 1994). In this paper she showed with several examples how our textbooks construct India and Hindus as enemies and how they incite permanent enmity, hatred and alienation with India. The author's contention was that these books promote militarism and violence and indirectly justify a heavy defence expenditure. Since then, she has been expanding relentlessly and painstakingly on this subject in several publications to show how an ultra-nationalist, hypermasculine, militarized state is constructed in our textbooks and what effects this has on our identity and society. Some other scholars, such as Dr Mubarak Ali and Prof K.K. Aziz have also published their reports on this issue. In 1999, the National Committee on Education, which was constituted under the chairmanship of the federal education secretary on the prompting of some eminent educationists, prepared a report National Curriculum 2000: A Conceptual Framework calling for a paradigm shift in the curriculum in order to produce "involved, caring and responsible citizens". This report was stored away somewhere in the ministry's records on some dust-laden shelf. Several women's groups have carried out extensive studies from time to time to identify the gender bias in our textbooks. The exercises they have carried out have demonstrated again and again how these books denigrate women and relegate them to a secondary status. Therefore it is difficult to understand why at this stage the SDPI's report, which is not presenting something new, being in Dr Saigol's terms "a complete plagiarism of my work" and "intellectual dishonesty", should draw the ire of the religious parties. The SDPI has come under attack for implementing the "American agenda". The furore this time can simply be explained in terms of the growing power of the religious parties which hold office in two provinces. They want to preempt the Musharraf government from heeding the voices of sanity being raised on this matter. The fact is that after the nationalization of schools and colleges had all but destroyed the education infrastructure in Pakistan, the system has suffered from a serious dichotomy. Two parallel streams have run side by side in the country. Those in power remained quite indifferent to the mindset of the masses fed on the ideological and hate contents of the government prescribed curricula. As the impact of these textbooks filled with hate and the teachings of the madressahs is being felt generally, the syllabus has set the alarm bells ringing. The subtle poisoning of the mind of the students has been clearly established by another report produced by the Karachi-based Social Policy and Development Centre (SPDC). In its Annual Review 2002-2003 (The State of Education), the authors of the report observe about the Pakistan Studies textbooks, "Entire periods of history are missing and other events have been casually mentioned. No attempt has been made to identify circumstances leading to particular events or to establish the relationships between different events." It continues that as a consequence of these books, "Instead of being able to acknowledge diversity in points of view, they (students) are likely to look at the world in over-simplified, uncritical, 'black and white' and 'us versus them' terms and to develop single dimensional, exclusivist mindsets." What the school textbooks are doing to the thinking of our students is indicated by a survey of school children. The opinions of children in Urdu medium schools (who are not exposed to progressive literature in the English language) are quite instructive. A little less than half of them do not support equal rights to minorities. A third of them support the jihadi groups. Two-thirds of them want the shariah to be implemented. Nearly a third want Kashmir to be liberated by force and nearly 80 per cent of them support Pakistan's nuclear status. In other words, it is not the madressahs alone which are creating hatred and militancy among the younger generation. The indoctrination is affecting everyone and probably this is now causing concern in the government circles which are now trying to battle religious bigotry. In this context, the most meaningful recommendation in the SDPI report comes from Zarina Salamat in the chapter titled "Peace Studies; a proposed programme of studies in schools". Ms Salamat suggests that peace building and conflict resolution be taught to children from an early age. They should be told about the inhumanity of violence and the brutality of war and the forces which lead to them. At the same time children should be made aware of the value of peace and the dignity of human life while they are taught the ways of developing their capacity to maintain peace in society and at the national and international level. The positive aspect of the SDPI report - though one wishes the sources of the analysis had been adequately given credit where it was due - is that for the first time in years the issue of textbooks contents is receiving some attention from the authorities, although the press - at least this paper - and the educationists who care had been crying themselves hoarse for decades about the poor quality of the textbooks that are being taught in our schools. [ENDS] The Hindu [India] April 01, 2004 POLITICS AND THE CULT OF THE CHHATRAPATI The iconic status of the Maratha king is such that both the Congress-NCP and the Shiv Sena-BJP are trying to claim his mantle, says Ranjit Hoskote. This January, when a furore broke out over the American historian, James W. Laine's study of the Maratha ruler and nationalist hero, Shivaji, a publisher associated with the counter-cultural 1960s `Little Magazines' movement said to me: "Aata Shivaji Maharajanna don paay hote asa mhatla tar suddha thaar maarteel tumhala!" (You could be lynched even for innocuously observing that Shivaji had two feet.) The comment underlines the semi-divine status bestowed upon the founder of the Maratha kingdom in contemporary Maharashtra, so that even the mildest critical inquiry into his life is castigated as blasphemy. It also reveals why Maharashtra's major political formations - the Congress-Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) coalition and the Shiv Sena-Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) alliance - vie with each other to monopolise the cult of the Chhatrapati. Shivaji, as icon, symbolises the Maharashtrian identity that both the Congress-NCP coalition and the Shiv Sena-BJP alliance claim to defend. Both sides have likewise appropriated Shivaji's kingdom, styled as `Hindavi Swaraj', as their ideal of governance. Although the one-upmanship over who is better imbued with Shivaji-bhakti is an integral feature of Maharashtra's political life, it assumes operatic proportions in the run-up to the Lok Sabha elections. The latest round began on January 5, when an outfit calling itself the Sambhaji Brigade attacked Pune's Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (BORI), destroying invaluable books and manuscripts. The group claimed to have acted in Shivaji's name and that of his community, the Marathas. It argued that since BORI scholars had collaborated with Mr. Laine in researching his study, Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India, they were guilty of impugning Shivaji's honour. Maharashtra's Congress-NCP government arrested 72 Sambhaji Brigade activists after the outrage, but Chief Minister Sushilkumar Shinde assuaged Maratha sentiment by banning Mr. Laine's book. With Parliamentary elections round the corner, the Congress-NCP and the Sena-BJP have been slinging the emotive issue of retrospective lese majeste, irreverence towards Shivaji, at each other. . Mid-March has been particularly rich in these exchanges. On March 17, a BJP member's deceptively simple question disrupted the Maharashtra Legislative Assembly: Would the government be lenient with the arrested Sambhaji Brigade activists? In reply, the Home Minister, the NCP's R.R. Patil, chose to take a swipe at the Prime Minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, who had deplored the banning of books earlier this year. An incensed opposition demanded that the reference to Mr. Vajpayee be expunged from the record. The following day, Gopinath Munde, president of the BJP's state unit and former Deputy Chief Minister, called for a ban on Nehru's Discovery of India, which allegedly maligns Shivaji. Mr. Patil retaliated by demanding that Mr. Vajpayee apologise for deploring the ban on the Laine book. Deft as ever, the Prime Minister composed a different raga for his March 20 campaign rally in Beed. From Maharashtra's rural hinterland, with Sena chief Bal Thackeray by his side, he thundered against "foreign authors" who "play with our national pride", asserting that he would act against such adventurers, "should the State Government fail to do so". The irrepressible Mr. Patil re-joined the battle on March 22, announcing that the Maharashtra Government would enlist Interpol's aid to book Mr. Laine! How does this competitive hero-worship translate into electoral gain? The Congress-NCP coalition hopes to snatch the mantle of Shivaji-bhakti from the Shiv Sena, `Shivaji's Army'; thus, it can play being the authentic custodian of the Maharashtrian identity, while satisfying its traditional power base, the Marathas. Not to be outmanoeuvred, the Sena has opposed the Laine ban; but its tactful expression of sympathy for the Sambhaji Brigade is calculated to make inroads into the Maratha vote. The BJP, for its part, hopes its veneration of Shivaji will dilute its image as a party of northerners. This is a crucial move, given the recent unrest in Maharashtra over the `locals vs. outsiders' issue, when Sena goons roughed up migrant workers from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. These strident appeals to a collective symbolic imagination could mask anxieties that bear, not only on the Lok Sabha elections, but also the autumn Assembly polls. The Congress-NCP coalition would like to deflect public attention from the Telgi scandal, the exposure of widespread corruption in the Maharashtra police force, and the ignominious exit of Deputy Chief Minister Chagan Bhujbal. The Sena-BJP alliance would like people to forget its botched record of rule in Maharashtra (1995-1999), its capitulation to the same Enron Power Corporation that it had vowed to expel, its bungling of Mumbai's real-estate crisis, and its emptying of Maharashtra's coffers. No wonder everybody in this story loves a good Shivaji. [ENDS] The Daily Times [Pakistan] April 01, 2004 WOMEN'S COMMISSION RECOMMENDS QISAS LAW BE AMENDED By Waqar Gillani LAHORE: The National Commission on the Status of Women (NCSW), at its three-day final consultation reviewing the Qisas and Diyat Ordinance (Act II of 1997) and the concept of justice in Islam, declared that honour killings and all other sorts of victimisation of women have no link with Islam. A consultative workshop, concluded a day ago, also stressed the need to change the Islamic definition of a 'wali' and asked the government to properly compensate women victims of domestic violence, who were not being treated well by the government. The workshop suggested the government try the accused for violence against women under the Islamic term 'Tazeer'. According to NCSW officials, the workshop participants urged the government to take strict measures to end violence against women. They also suggested the government stop the application and misuse of the Qisas and Diyat laws and declare the offence "non-compoundable". "In such cases the offenders must be given exemplary punishments," the participants said. It was noted that "there is no provision in the Quran and Sunnah that a killer of his wife be exempted from Qisas in cases where minor children are left behind as legal heirs. As such the prevalent law must be amended accordingly," the workshop recommended. The participants said that 'vani/swara' and 'watta satta' (exchange marriages) are pre-Islamic traditions and have no scope in Islam. "They must be condemned and strict punishment must be awarded to the accused," they said. They also said the term 'not valid' in the proviso to Section 310 of the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) - giving of women in marriage shall not be a valid badl-e-sulh (a compounding agreement) - is not enough and that the term 'void ab initio' or 'illegal' should be used instead. They recommended a punitive clause be provided in this respect. The participants also agreed that offences under the Qisas and Diyat laws were directed against the legal order of the state, because the state is responsible for the lives and property of its people. "However, the legal heirs of a victim are vested with the right to demand Qisas or compound the offence by accepting Diyat. But this does not stop the state from trying the offence and punishing the offender," they said. They suggested that no offence under Qisas and Diyat be compounded until and unless the trial is completed, after which the legal heirs of the victim might demand Qisas or compound the offence. "However, the state retains its right to punish the offender even if the offence is compounded," they said. The participants argued that circumstantial evidence must not be rejected even if the witnesses turns hostile. "The Qanoon-e-Shahadat Ordinance 1984 (Law of Evidence) provides clear provisions to this effect, but unfortunately the law has not been enforced in its true spirit," said former chief justice Abdul Karim Kundi. Others said that provision 313 of the PPC was "discriminatory" and required amendment. Dr Farooq Khan and Dr Aslam Khaki said this provision has "no justification" in Islam. The participants also recommended Section 304 of the PPC be amended. The participants stressed that the Diyat amount should be treated as "compensation and not inheritance". Mr Khaki and SA Rehman quoted Verse 92 of Surah Nisa in which the word 'Ahl' is used for the right to Diyat. According to them, 'Ahl' means dependant and not necessarily the legal heirs. They said that the definition of 'wali', as given in the prevalent law, should be re-defined in the true spirit of Islamic injunctions. The majority were of the view that the parameters should be prescribed in Section 338 of the PPC and that the judiciary must be trained in Sharia law. NCSW Chairperson former justice Majida Rizvi, who chaired all the sessions, gave a detailed briefing of the objectives, functions and activities of the commission. She also highlighted an extensive review of the Hudood Ordinance of 1979. Syeda Viquarun Nisa Hashmi, a research associate of the NCSW, gave a presentation of her research on the topic. Ms Hashmi, highlighting salient features of her research, spoke about the impact of loopholes in the Qisas and Diyat Ordinance (Act II of 1997) and leniency of the judiciary in dealing with such social evils, citing provisions of the prevalent laws in the light of the Quran and Sunnah. She explained the gravity of crimes being committed for honour, substantiating her contention by presenting statistics of honour killings in Pakistan from 1997 to May 30 2003. The acquittal ratio for people accused in honour killing cases, according to Ms Hashmi, is 43.13 percent in Balochistan, 71.97 percent in Punjab, 91.4 percent in Sindh and 92.9 percent in the North West Frontier Province. She also presented a detailed analysis of the judgments on the subject from 1977 to date. The meeting was held from March 25 to 27 at Islamabad. The participants were religious scholars, political leaders, former judges, prominent lawyers and the heads of religious institutions. They included Professor Dr Khaled Masud, Dr Murtuza from the Council of Islamic Ideology, Safwanullah, Member of the National Assembly MP Bhandara, MNA Dr Farid Ahmed Piracha, MNA Yaqoot Jamilur Rehman, Shehla Zia, Professor Dr Iftikhar N Hassan, Farzana Bari, Muhammad Bilal, Sardar Muhammad Ghazi and others. Similar consultation meetings have already been conducted in the Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan and the NWFP. The NCSW will formulate its report and recommendations after the completion of the consultative process. [ENDS] Dawn [Pakistan] 31 March 2004 RELIGIOUS FERVOUR BLOCKING MOVES AGAINST GENDER DISCRIMINATION By Raja Asghar ISLAMABAD, March 30: Religious fervour broke through political alliances in the National Assembly on Tuesday to confront moves for more rights for women and protection from customs such as honour killings. Scenes like opposition clerics cheering a government move to dismiss an honour killing complaint from its own coalition members or PML-N conservatives defending the Hudood laws seemed ominous as regards the fate of a bill moved by the People's Party Parliamentarians (PPP) to eliminate gender discrimination. Tuesday's developments in the lower house made it clear that the PPP's Protection and Empowerment of Women Bill, which seeks more rights for women and repeal of the Hudood ordinances, will meet a stiff - and possibly overwhelming - resistance from both friends and foes. A further discussion over the admissibility of the bill was put off until the next private members' day after support for the move by two PPP women members was countered by strong opposition by one speaker each from the Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal and the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz. Parliamentary sources said opposition from the ruling coalition as well as two major opposition parties seemed to seal the fate of the bill to be rendered as a mere publicity exercise for women's rights rather than standing any chance of its passage, which needed a simple majority in the 342-seat house. The bill moved by PPP MNA Sherry Rehman and eight co-sponsors on March 24 also seeks compulsory primary education for children under 10 years' age, equal participation of women in all walks of life, equal pay for equal work, prohibition of violence against women and honour killings, freedom for every woman to marry a man of her choice and one-third representation for women at the Council of Islamic Ideology and boards of autonomous bodies. [ENDS] Indian Express April 02, 2004 Knock, knock, here's your Hindu fatwa. Untrained, uninvited VHP men make house calls with 2-point Hindu Agenda: Vote for sake of Ram and Cow Reshma Patil Mumbai, April 1: THEY call it the Hindu fatwa (diktat) for voters. Home delivery target: Five lakh families in Mumbai. To a night call of Jai Sri Ram, a rag-tag army of Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) footsoldiers is knocking door-to-door across the length of Mumbai, from Girgaum to Bhayander. Their orders from the VHP headquarters are to convince citizens nationwide-in person-to vote only for candidates who obey a 13-point Hindu Agenda. But to the activists-school dropouts, petty traders, Bajrang Dal men-only two points are worth memorising to thrust on those who uncertainly open doors to the summons of Ram. ''When Hindus shine, India shines,'' Mumbai Newsline heard the VHP's Konkan joint secretary Dada Desai and local Bajrang Dal leader Naresh Patil tell men under training before house calls. After the lesson inside a Shiv temple on Tuesday night at Khar (West), teams fanned out into the suburb. ''This is your Hindu fatwa,'' Bhim Dhadge, a burly Bajrang Dal activist wearing a saffron scarf, told a granny who peeked through the door at Sea View building, Khar. Taken aback, she called her husband. ''Vote for a candidate who's pro Ram Mandir, anti-cow slaughter,'' Dhadge said, just as memorised. ''Okay, okay, no problem,'' the couple replied softly and latched the door fast. Dhadge and activists-a 16-year-old Standard VIII student, a stationery shop owner and a 21-year-old commerce student-knocked next door. A girl answered. ''Jai Sri Ram! We want to give you the Hindu fatwa,'' they said. Wide-eyed, she slammed it shut. Next, they woke up a 73-year-old heart patient home alone in pyjamas. ''Please,'' he pleaded, with folded hands. ''I'll read your pamphlet. Jai Sri Ram.'' Patil had ordered activists to reach 200 to 400 homes a day for the next month. It was for the sake of Hindu progress, he said, and skipped 10 points to harp only on: Ram Mandir, ''50,000 cows killed daily,'' and conversions in the name of service. It was hardly helpful. ''Article 370? Is it in the Hindu Agenda?'' mumbled VHP activist Prashant Maity (20), a second-year science student, when this reporter asked him. Maity has never heard of the Uniform Civil Code either-which along with a ban on Article 370 for special status to Jammu and Kashmir is listed in the Hindu Agenda pamphlets he distributes. Asked how he would explain the Uniform Civil Code to voters, Dhadge skimmed through the pamphlet, couldn't locate it and finally asked for help. ''Is it about family planning?'' [ENDS] The Daily Times [Pakistan] April 03, 2004 Storming the textbooks by Abbas Rashid There is little doubt that our curricula and textbooks have helped to create a mindset that is a part of the problem rather than a part of the solution. Our schools and universities should be a defence against dissension within, and not locations where our children learn to internalise a discriminatory framework The controversy generated by the SDPI report, The Subtle Subversion, on curricula and state of textbooks in Pakistan is not entirely unexpected. It is par for the course when it comes to almost any attempt at reforming Pakistan's education system that resembles nothing as much as complete shambles at this stage. One could differ on the details, but it is difficult to argue with the essential thrust of the report regarding the need to provide material to children that promotes tolerance, harmony and peace rather than hate, militarism and exclusivity. The report highlights historical distortions contained in textbooks, the systemic flaws in the procedures and structures governing their production and the manner in which they reinforce negative stereotypes rather than encouraging critical thinking. They are unimaginatively written and the content is presented in ways that is not easily intelligible to children - in short they are glaring examples of poor workmanship. And yes, as the report emphasises, our textbooks are often entirely insensitive to the fact that citizens of Pakistan subscribing to faiths other than Islam have a right to be represented in our texts so that their children in schools are not made to feel as if they are strangers in their own land even if they are a minority. The compilers of the report, A H Nayyar and Ahmed Salim, have built on, and credited, the work of other scholars such as the eminent historian K K Aziz. Of course Dr Nayyar himself wrote on the subject as far back as 1985 in a book published by the Zed Press. Anyhow, as is often the case when such issues are raised in Pakistan, the debate over the report has been deftly narrowed by the detractors to a contest over who is the better Muslim and who the greater patriot. So, it should come as no great surprise that instead of debating the pros and cons of the report in academic terms while conceding the obvious need for much better textbooks, the issue has been turned into a battle for safeguarding Islam and the ideology of Pakistan. In the haze that has come to surround the controversy over the report it is useful to remind ourselves that the argument is not about excluding religion from the curriculum but for providing a balanced perspective. The Munir Report based on the enquiry into the anti-Ahmadi riots of 1953, brilliantly analysed the phenomenon of the instrumentalist use of Islam by vested interests for self-serving and political ends. More than half a century later the practice continues unabated. The SDPI report's suggestions have been termed by some critics as being pro-India and anti-Pakistan. Sustainable peace does require that we take a more balanced view of our neighbours and review the element of demonising the people, rather than criticising the governments, that has become part of our textbooks. Indeed, many in India too continue to protest vociferously against the saffronisation of texts under the BJP government. But, as in their case, so in ours, encouraging intolerance and exclusion has far more profound implications for the kind of society that we create for ourselves than the admittedly important issue of our relationship with key neighbours. There are all kinds of reasons why sectarianism and an extremist ethos has developed in Pakistan over recent years. But, there is little doubt that our curricula and textbooks have helped to create a mindset that is a part of the problem rather than a part of the solution. Our schools and universities should be a defence against dissension within, and not locations where our children learn to internalise a discriminatory framework that encourages them to relegate minorities to the category of second-class citizens, denotes women as inferior beings or treats a growing number of sects even among Muslims as being outside the pale of Islam. Clearly, this serves neither Islam nor, by any stretch of imagination, does it make Pakistan stronger. Those opposing change, whether in textbooks or otherwise, have picked on the US government's focus on madrassa education in Pakistan. Clearly, reform is needed here as elsewhere but the reason is that it is our society that cannot afford further fracturing and not because premium is to be placed on some US agenda. Nevertheless, the connection has been made and will be exploited by lobbies determined to block change. The momentum is already being built up against what appears to be the next major target in the area of education reform i.e., The Aga Khan University Examination Board. An alliance called the 'Tuhaffaz-Taleemi Nisab Mahaz' (Preservation of the Educational Curriculum Front) while declaring its intent to launch a movement against any change in the curriculum also charged that the AKU Board was part of the US-led conspiracy to change the curriculum. Again, whatever support the Aga Khan University gets from various sources for this effort, a few facts need to be kept in mind. The University has over the years managed to establish a medical college and hospital, a school for nursing and an institute for educational development. Their high standards are recognised both at home and abroad. It serves crucially to provide an option for quality education within Pakistan along with a handful of other institutions such as the Lahore University of Management Sciences or the Quaid-e-Azam University. More such institutions are badly needed for obviously the alternative of getting a good education abroad is open only to a miniscule minority in Pakistan. Similarly, only a very small number of our students can afford to sit for examinations conducted by foreign institutions such as the Oxford and Cambridge Examination Board. It is crucial, therefore, that an Examination Board set up by a credible and internationally recognised institution such as the AKU emerge as an alternative within Pakistan for our schools to associate with. This will enable a far larger number of our students to get an education that is worthwhile and certification that is widely recognised. In any case, association with the AKU Board is voluntary and schools that do not want to join have absolutely no need to do so. In the education sector, reform is crucially needed in the areas of teacher education and training, textbooks and examinations. Reform is a process and even in the best of educational systems its specifics can and should be continually discussed, debated and refined. Insistence on preserving without change an education system that has all but collapsed is hardly a serious option for us. Abbas Rashid is a freelance journalist and political analyst whose career has included editorial positions in various Pakistani newspapers [ENDS] Posted by: Awaaz / 4/07/2004 11:16:20 AM [NEWS DIGEST PROVIDED IN CONJUNCTION WITH SOUTH ASIA CITIZENS WIRE - www.sacw.net] The News on Sunday [Pakistan] March 28, 2004 Criminals -- or victims of an unjust system? If the President really wants to help women in prison, he would do well to repeal the Hudood Ordinances. This would have a far greater impact than limited remissions and pardons By Beena Sarwar On March 20, 2004, President Musharraf announced some relief for female prisoners, thus implicitly acknowledging that many of these prisoners are imprisoned unjustly and deserve special attention. But this relief will not solve the overall problem of an unjust system that allows innocent women to be locked up, often for years, in jails that house three times their capacity (male prisons are even more overcrowded, housing five times their capacity). Most women (90 per cent, according to official sources) are eventually acquitted, which means they were unfairly accused in the first place. But most are also desperately poor and powerless, with limited access to lawyers and bail money. Some, like 22-year old Samina, receive bail that is then cancelled. Samina is among the over 1,200 female under-trial prisoners (UTPs) in Pakistan, who will not benefit from the President's remissions. These apply only to female convicts -- just 463 across the country. The categories to be provided relief are: female convicts whose children are in jail with them (sentences to be reduced by a year), girls under 18, and women over 60, who have served at least one-third of their sentence (to be released). There are few under-18 or over 60 year old female under-trial prisoners or convicts in Pakistani prisons (Karachi Women's Prison has no under-18s, a couple of over-60s, and only six convict mothers whose children are with them). The more urgent need is to re-examine and overhaul the legal system which is being used to punish women like Samina, not for any violent or heinous crime, but for going against social norms. The concessions are conditional on the convicts not being implicated in terrorist cases or heinous crimes like murder -- or implicated in cases of theft, drugs, or 'zina'. The President intends to take this last matter up with the law ministry, because, as he rightly questioned, "What kind of zina would an under 18-year old girl be involved in?" A point worth considering in this context is that in many countries, sexual relations with a minor are statutory rape, even if the minor's consent was supposedly involved. The weapon of choice for families wanting to punish daughters going against their wishes is the Zina Ordinance. Seventy-one out of the 190 female UTPs in Karachi face zina charges; only one has been convicted. Samina says she couldn't stand living at home. "My father was always beating my mother, who was the only earning member in the family besides me. Then I met Imran, and he asked me to marry him. I liked him, and I agreed. The day I went away with him, my father had really beaten my mother badly. He took me to the court and we got married. but now the same court is being used to punish us. Why?" "We only got married, we didn't commit any crime," says her husband, gesturing with a shackled hand as they sit together on a dilapidated bench outside the court -- the only way they can now meet until the matter is settled. Samina narrates that her father initially tried to file kidnapping charges against her husband. "The police came to arrest him, but I told them that I had gone of my own will and we were legally married. They told my father they couldn't do anything." She alleges that her father then offered the police Rs 50,000 to get her back. "I heard all this, sitting there in the police station while they argued. After some time, the police found a way out for my father." This way out was to file charges under the Zina Ordinance, by accusing Samina of contracting a second marriage while already married. "I was engaged to my cousin," she says. "If there was a previous nikah, why did they take six months to produce a nikahnama? The judge never even asked us anything, just cancelled our bail." Since then, both have been in prison, but say they have no regrets. Samina's labourer father-in-law standing nearby has already spent thousands on legal fees for the couple; Samina's father has offered to settle out of court for three lakh rupees -- which her in-laws are willing to try and raise, but Samina refuses. "That would be like my own father selling me," she says. She and her husband would rather stay in jail "as long as we are fated to." "There are many girls like me in jail," she says. Others are co-accused with male relatives, or accused instead of male relatives. Some don't even know what crime they have been charged with. Saima, accused of dacoity, had her bail recently rejected by the High Court. Tahira, who has been in jail for almost six years, recently sent her 7-year old son to live with her mother. She has been sentenced to 25 years for kidnapping, along with her policeman husband who was framed, she says, by his enemies. Shumaila, brash and articulate, also faces kidnapping charges; the co-accused, her husband, is absconding. "If we get a bail order, we don't have the bail money," she says, chewing gum defiantly. "If the lawyer comes to court, the judge doesn't show up." Her greatest worry is for her 6-year old son, who is with her -- one of the 46 children who live with their mothers in Karachi Women's Prison. Even if they are guilty, points out activist and researcher Nazish Brohi, author of 'Trapped: women in custody' (ActionAid, 2003), most of these women don't pose a threat to society. Instead of locking them up, they should be rehabilitated and absorbed in society. "If you look at their cases, you'll find that few women have actually murdered someone, or picked up a gun and committed a robbery," says Brohi. "It's not that men have an easy time of it, but women are more vulnerable in our society. Also, because they are the primary care-givers, their families and children really suffer along with them when they are locked up." They are in prison not for crimes, she believes, but because for challenging the status quo in a patriarchal society. The disproportionately large number of women charged under the zina laws calls for an examination of these laws. Consider that until 1979 when the Hudood Ordinance was promulgated as part of Gen. Zia's 'Islamisation drive', the words 'hudood' or 'zina' were not even part of the public discourse in Pakistan. Directly affected persons -- a wife or husband -- could register cases of adultery, but only against men -- a limitation that protected women in a male-dominated, feudal society where women are rarely in control of their lives. Adultery was punishable with a relatively minor fine and/or imprisonment, and the state could not be a party. The Hudood Ordinances (Offence of Zina) led to thousands of women being incarcerated: there were 70 women prisoners country-wide in 1979, a number that had increased to 6,000 by 1988. Since Gen Zia's passing and the 'restoration of democracy', the figures have declined -- 2,200 in by the end of the year 2002, and about 1,700 currently, according to Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP). However, lawyer and activist Asma Jahangir notes that this drop may be due to the fact that more women are able to obtain bail than before, thanks to a relatively more sympathetic and sensitised judiciary and a greater overall awareness (more sympathetic organisations and individuals now provide these women with financial and legal assistance). So the decline in women's prison population does not necessarily reflect a decline in the number of cases. Hudood Ordinance supporters argue that thousands of women have 'only' been imprisoned for 'zina', that no 'hadd' punishment has been carried out even if awarded, that most women are acquitted. But then, why should they suffer prison in the first place? Most women prisoners are desperately poor. Their basic needs are taken care of in jail -- health care, education, food, clothing and shelter -- but they would rather be free and starving, than sheltered, educated and fed in prison. As Samina says, "Yes, jail has all the facilities, the conditions are good. But imprisonment is imprisonment. there's no place home, even if it's just a hut." So far, remissions to prisoners have been linked with some national or religious holiday, like Independence Day or Eid, or the limited concessions announced recently by the President just before Pakistan Day, March 23. A new kind of remission was announced on March 19 by the NWFP government -- for prisoners who pass Holy Quran translation exams and Dars-e-Nizami courses. This was previously not included on the list of valid reasons to grant the lessening of jail terms -- never mind that this condition discriminates against prisoners from other faiths. Of more use than limited remissions would be an overhaul of the justice system that allows so many, mostly poor, women -- besides juveniles and men -- to be incarcerated in the first place. Various efforts are being made to provide some kind of relief, but these efforts address the symptoms of the problem, rather than the problem itself. For instance, the Sindh Government notified the Legal Assistance Committee in January as a pilot project, partly funded by the government and partly by philanthropists at home and abroad. Headed by the former Supreme Court judge Nasir Aslam Zahid, who also chaired the 1997 Women's Commission, the project will enable a team of full-time lawyers to be based within jail premises for the first time. Their office is being built in a disused Anti-Terrorist Court, designed gratis by architect Faiz Kidwai, with material costs being covered by contributions from the Rotary Club and others. These efforts follow ongoing aid to female prisoners by such philanthropic organisations and individuals, who have in the past raised funds for air tickets enabling the repatriation of foreign prisoners who have served their sentences. The All Pakistan Physicians of North America (APPNA) has a special committee on violence against women, spearheaded by Dr Zafar Iqbal in New York and Dr Amna Buttar in Chicago. They have collected over $25,000 towards lawyers' fees and bail money in Karachi (through Justice Zahid) and Lahore (through Dr Yasmin Rashid). But if the President really wants to help women in prison, he would do well to act upon the recommendation of the government's National Commission on the Status of Women (NCSW) and repeal the Hudood Ordinances. This would have a far greater impact than limited remissions and pardons that will benefit only a few victims of an unjust system. The writer recently produced a special report on women in prison for Geo TV. Prisons in Pakistan Number of prisons: 89 Prison Staff:13,000 Prison capacity:35,500 Prison Population:80,653 Overcrowding:45,153 Convicted:17,073 Under trial:53,891 Condemned Under trial Ordinary convict Juvenile (Male ) (Female) (Female) (Female) (under trial)(convict) Balochistan 142 0 16 13 80 128 Punjab 6066 27 784 265 1330 312 Sindh 44 30 243 34 507 0 NWFP 134 5 217 89 286 65 TOTAL: 6586 62 260 401 2203 505 [ENDS] Himal [Nepal] March-April 2004 OPINION Between jhatka and halal Gujarat after two years of "normalcy" For the Muslim victims of communal violence in Gujarat the violence has not ended - it is the difference between immediate hacking (jhatka) and slow death (halal). by Satish Deshpande In their famous conversation about words, Humpty Dumpty confides to Alice that while verbs are short- tempered and proud, 'you can do anything with adjectives'. He also insists that whenever he makes a word do a lot of work, he always pays it extra. By this token the adjective 'normal' must have been paid an astronomical bonus for the truly stupendous amount of work that it has done in Gujarat over the past two years. Although his claims were met with disbelief at the time, Chief Minister Narendra Modi has been retrospectively vindicated in his insistence that, except for the first 72 hours of the 'action-reaction' sequence, post-Godhra Gujarat has been, well, normal. Indeed, we ought to be grateful to him for drawing attention to Gujarat's most significant contribution to the national ethos since Mahatma Gandhi - the establishment of a new notion of normalcy. An important term in social theory, the word 'normal' has three main meanings in everyday language - a common or usual state of affairs that carries the additional connotation of being ordinary or unremarkable; a healthy condition, the opposite of diseased or pathological; and finally, the sense derived from its root-word 'norm' indicating an ideal state that is worthy of emulation. These meanings suggest that 'normal' is a boundary-marking word whose job is to separate the mundane from the extraordinary, the healthy from the sick, and the legitimate from the delinquent. Although every society and every age needs such boundaries, their actual location keeps changing according to the balance of social power in each context. The political potency of the word derives from its ability to link a populist-majoritarian fact (that which is most common) with a moral-ethical ideal (that which is most right). What we have witnessed in Gujarat is an unprecedented attempt to normalise communal oppression by representing it as popular practice and proper precept. We must not flinch from acknowledging the success of this attempt. The spread of Hindu communal violence in Gujarat has broken many barriers: a hitherto urban phenomenon has spilled over into rural areas; adivasis and dalits have participated actively; and the upper middle-classes have been directly involved, both as victims and especially as perpetrators. Disturbing reports, since confirmed repeatedly, about the presence of women and even children among the mobs make these India's first 'family-outing' riots. The depth, intensity and sheer scale of public participation - as many as 40 cities and towns in the state were under curfew simultaneously - had shocked even people like Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) leader Pravin Togadia. If the making-common aspect of normalisation was spectacular, the making-ordinary and making-legitimate aspects have been even more stunning. Gujarat's recent history contains many acts of symbolic erasure like the destruction of the poet Wali Gujarati's mazaar in Ahmedabad. But it is only here that the municipality - an institution steeped in the dull details of everyday life - managed to pave the spot overnight to make it look 'normal' by morning. Every riot involves destruction of property and sources of livelihood; but in Gujarat, this was followed up with a systematic economic boycott designed to continue this destruction silently and 'peacefully', thus annihilating hope for the future. All riots uproot people from their homes and communities; but in Gujarat, this was backed by sustained public pressure to ensure that the refugees would never return, or would do so only under stringent 'conditions' enforcing second-class citizenship. In short, all riots - even state-sponsored pogroms like the anti-Sikh riots of Delhi - are supposed to end, to yield to an 'after' that is fundamentally and not just formally different. Gujarat is our first riot that has refused to end: for its victims, the difference between the 'abnormal' madness of 2002 and the 'normal' malevolence of 2004 is only the difference between jhatka and halaal. Retail repression Except during the Partition, mainstream political discourse in India has always, albeit after the fact, described communal riots as isolated incidents of momentary madness sharply separated from normal everyday life. Of course this is untrue, because riots cannot be conceived immaculately, but this fiction has suited most parties - the dominant sections, the 'silent majority', and sometimes even the victims. More importantly, the moral illegitimacy of riots has never been in doubt, even though the guilty have rarely been punished. Attempts to justify riots have never flatly denied wrongdoing, but have concentrated on constructing a history of prior provocations in order to present the riots as defensive action. In its 'laboratory state' that is Gujarat, Hindutva has developed a prototype of everyday communalism that breaks decisively with this pattern by seeking to integrate riots with normal life, shrinking and eventually erasing the zones of delinquency in which they used to be segregated. Above all, it seeks to legitimise the oppression of Muslims to the point where it seems so natural that justifications will be superfluous. The model here is that of a nation at war, when all patriots are expected to be unthinking warriors and all questions are anti-national. But war is an abnormal condition, so this example does not capture the full significance of the Gujarat model. A closer approximation might be caste, where the oppressive hierarchy is so deeply embedded in tradition that it becomes part of ordinary common sense, requiring no explicit justification precisely because it is what we 'already know'. In fact, activists working in Gujarat have pointed to the birth of a new form of untouchability with respect to Muslims. The ultimate goal of the Gujarat model is to make riots redundant - to replace the spectacular, wholesale violence waged by trishul-wielding mobs with the unobtrusive, retail repression enforced by the mundane compulsions of daily custom. In the new normalcy, Muslims are to be ghettoised as a caste of right-less non-persons forever dependent on 'the goodwill of the majority'. If this chilling vision were thought to be exaggerated or still a distant dream, one needs only to look at the calm and confident manner in which long-established precedents have been flouted in Gujarat. Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA) has been used exclusively against Muslims (and one lone Sikh) but not against Hindu rioters; differential amounts of compensation have been paid to Hindu and Muslim victims in similar circumstances; and the legal machinery of the state is itself obstructing due process and abetting the accused in evading justice. It takes courage to grasp the enormity of what Hindutva proposes, and especially to acknowledge its asymmetry with Muslim fanaticism. Given the demographic and socio-cultural profile of India, Muslim hate organisations can never hope to normalise themselves; they will forever remain in the delinquent fringe. Barbaric acts attributed to Muslim fanatics - like the burning of the train in Godhra - will always remain just that, extraordinarily vicious crimes. Hate campaigns launched by Muslims can never be converted into electoral chariots bearing their sponsors to the most powerful positions in public life. Spilt milk But - and this is where hope has often been sought - it is not as though Gujarat has been easy to replicate in the rest of India. Despite the initial euphoria of the 2003 state elections which gave 'Milosevic' Modi an overwhelming victory including as much as 55 percent of the popular vote, the Sangh Parivar met with rebuffs in subsequent elections in Himachal Pradesh and elsewhere. Even in the recent round of state elections where it has been unexpectedly successful, the BJP was forced to foreground issues other than Hindutva. And by comparison with past versions, its current campaign for the general election of April-May 2004 seems remarkably subdued. There has been no routine recourse to the tried and trusted Ayodhya issue; in fact, 'development' appears to be the uncharacteristic centrepiece of the campaign, at least so far. Does this mean then, as many are urging, that it is time to 'get over Gujarat' and move on? It is true, of course, that in political terms Gujarat 2002 represents 'spilt milk' that is pointless to go on crying over, especially given the comprehensiveness of the Hindu right-wing victory in that particular battle. It may even be true that Gujarat is the exception proving the rule that, in the final analysis, rabid Hindu communalism does not make electoral sense on the subcontinental canvas of Indian democracy. But to think thus is to underestimate the importance of the decisive break that the events of 2002 have made with the history of our present. Moreover, by seeking solace on these terms, we become hostages of ephemeral caste equations, erratic electoral 'waves' and other political contingencies that determine the outcome of elections in India. For the particular events which constituted the riots of 2002 were unprecedented only in scale, not so much in content. We had, alas, seen it all before - the burning, looting and killing, the rapes, the slaughter of children and even the unborn. But despite the repeated occurrence of such horrors, the political universe which produced them remained inhabitable because it had always - always - disowned these events retroactively. Howsoever hypocritical it may have been, the dominant ethos did eventually place such events in moral quarantine, thereby preventing them from infecting the body politic. Modi and his minions have achieved something significant - they have overturned this history by masterminding India's first riot with both mass participation and zero remorse. In Gujarat today, two long years later, neither the proverbial common man nor the politician, bureaucrat or policeman - in short, none of those responsible - feels the need, even strategically or cynically, to admit that something wrong has happened. This immediately places enormous strain on the social fabric because it demonstrates that, contrary to the conventional wisdom fostered thus far in post-Partition India, planned ethnic cleansing is in fact achievable. From the perspective of the Hindu right, the crucial fact about the 2002 riots is that they have facilitated the BJP's electoral victory in Gujarat without causing losses elsewhere. None of the BJP's recent defeats - in Himachal Pradesh, the Delhi municipal and assembly elections, etc. were directly attributable to Gujarat; the indications are that this issue was largely irrelevant to the outcome. It is equally plausible that the BJP's victories (Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chattisgarh) too are unrelated to Gujarat, but this cannot be a source of much hope for the secular-progressive camp. For it only proves that while Modi-style pogroms may not always win elections, they will not lose them either. The uncertainty of benefits may dissuade the pragmatic or passive communalist, but their costlessness can only encourage the committed kind. To men like Modi, Togadia, Singhal or Advani - true believers prepared to pay a high price to achieve their aims - this is clearly a worthwhile bargain. Such people will only be dissuaded by the prospect of heavy losses. Are there any factors in the contemporary political scene that can raise the cost of communal violence? Can such forces be built by collective action? These are the key questions of the moment. Globalised Gujarat There is a widely held view that 'globalisation' will somehow tame Hindutva through world opinion and/or the world market. The geopolitical history of the unipolar world in the last two decades provides sufficient evidence of the fragility of this argument. Moreover, there is the experience of Gujarat itself, as the BJP leadership conclusively demonstrated, that it is possible to manage appearances by saying one thing abroad and its opposite at home. In any case, Sangh Parivar doublespeak is now a well rehearsed routine. As for the world market, it is doubtful whether it has had any impact on Gujarat. (The discomfiture of local industrialists may have had more effect, though its long term implications are difficult to gauge.) In reality, most global markets are thoroughly cartelised with only a few powerful players, and their alleged tendency towards political moderation has been extremely unreliable to say the least. So, where containing communalism is concerned, globalisation may at best provide some contingent inputs; it cannot form the basis of a deliberate strategy. Whatever their specific content, such strategies will perforce have to rely on domestic factors. That is why it is imperative to breach the cloak of impunity which Narendra Modi has almost succeeded in throwing over the post-Godhra events of 2002. The contrast with the Godhra incident is striking: the wheels of justice do seem to be moving in that context, despite the considerable doubt that forensic reports have cast on the original thesis of a Muslim mob having set fire to Coach No. S6 from the outside. On the other hand, with the large-scale destruction of incriminating evidence - including gruesome instances of state police burying the bodies of victims with large quantities of salt in order to accelerate decomposition - the subversion of justice in the post-Godhra riots is nearly complete. Last hopes are pinned on the small proportion of cases taken up by the Supreme Court, and on the staying power of embattled NGOs, local activists, and above all, the survivors themselves. What else can be done to interrupt the march of Hindutva, or at the very least, to force it to pay a higher price for its successes? Can we afford to rely solely on the vagaries of electoral arithmetic? Two years later, it is difficult to be optimistic. The voices of Gujarat's victims and its dissenters proved no match for the menacing growl of Modi's amplified election speeches as he laid claim to 'Gujarati asmita' (Gujarati pride) and threatened to bring down the wrath of 'five crore Gujaratis' (50 million) on his opponents. If the familiar forms of our progressive politics are all ultimately founded on faith in 'the people', then Gujarat 2002 forces us to confront the darkest of all questions: What is to be done when 'the people' turn regressive? How does one confront a normalised pathology, a banalised evil? A question first asked of Western Europe in the second quarter of the 20th century now faces Southasia in the first quarter of the 21st century. Whatever the shape of the answers that will be forged collectively, it is certain that they will need not only hardworking adjectives but also angry verbs. The violent minority and silent majority of Gujarat do not constitute separate and distinct social fragments. The silence of a sizeable part of the silent majority is not the speechless shock of numbed bystanders. It is the conspiratorial silence of willing spectators, remote witnesses to a Roman holiday, whose public silence is a private roar of approval that is clearly audible to the architects of the violence. There are those who cannot speak and those who will not speak. How else are we to explain the seeming paradoxes of the riots in Ahmedabad? We have seen educated girls and boys from middle and upper middle class families who do not actually participate in the killings but follow in the wake to loot Muslim establishments. We have seen couples on two wheelers bring home consumer durables scavenged from the debris of retail outlets. The cell-phone wielding rioters are not isolated elements who have taken control in a social vacuum. [ENDS] Posted by: Awaaz / 4/07/2004 11:15:39 AM [NEWS DIGEST PROVIDED IN CONJUNCTION WITH SOUTH ASIA CITIZENS WIRE - www.sacw.net] [24 March 2004] Inter-Religious Relations in Pakistan: Interview with Rehman Faiz Rehman Faiz is president of the Lahore unit of Amnesty International. He is active in promoting inter-faith dialogue in Pakistan, and is the editor of the recently launched inter-faith journal 'Insight'. In this online interview with Yoginder Sikand he discusses the work he is engaged in. Q: Could you tell us something about yourself and your work? A: By profession, I am a marketing manager in a healthcare organization. Besides, I am also associated with some groups working for peace and human rights, including the Religious Peace Research Organization (RPRO) and the Insight Forum. Q: What sort of work does the PPRO do? A: The RPRO is working towards combatting and eliminating religious intolerance and extremism in society. It draws its inspiration from what it sees as the core theme of the world religionsó-unconditional love for humanity, commitment to peace and willingness to sacrifice for the rights of others. It arranges inter-religious dialogue activities to foster understanding and better relations between diverse religious and spiritual communities in Pakistan. Through these activities, people of different communities visit each otherís places of worship and learn about their beliefs and observances. In this way they are able to explore their own religious and spiritual teachings that relate to respect for people of other faiths. The RPRO also organizes get-togethers on the occasion of religious festivals, such as Eid, Christmas and Diwali, where people from different walks of life and different communities come together and learn about each otherís religions, thereby helping promote a sense of harmony. In order to spread this message, the RPRO has recently launched a quarterly English periodical called ëInsightí. It contains research-based articles and essays on inter-communal and inter-religious peace and critiques of extremism. We have also published similar literature, in the form of books, in Urdu. Q: How did you get interested in the issue of inter-faith relations? A: I guess this has much to do with my own childhood. I spent my early years in Multan, a city of Sufis and saints. The teachings of Sufis prohibit taking the life of any innocent human being. As the Sufis see it, the body is the residence of the soul, and so the body, too, is holy. Hence, every person must respect and protect the dignity and sanctity of his or her own body and mind as well as that of others. As a child, I grew up in what was then a fairly tolerant society. For instance, at that time in Multan most of the Tazias taken out on the 10th of Muharram or Ashura, commemorating the martyrdom of Imam Hussain, were led by Sunnis. However, as I grew older Pakistan began witnessing the rise of religious extremism and even terrorism. This, in turn, led me to develop an interest in studying about religion, to seek to understand how it was possible for religion to be interpreted in such diverse, and mutually contradictory, ways. I then began reading about the various world religions, as well as philosophy and psychology. I visited mosques, churches, Hindu, Buddhist and Jain temples and Sikh gurduwaras. The outcome of this exercise, as I saw it, was that I discovered what I believe to be the many amazingly similar teachings of all the religions, along with both positive as well as destructive approaches and interpretations of these religions by those who claim to be their followers. It struck me that the various religions appear to be different from the outside, in terms of their form, but that they all share a common inner essence or core. The outer shell consists of rites, rituals, ceremonies, beliefs, myths and doctrines. These vary from one religion to another. However, there is an inner core common to all religions: the universal teachings of morality and charity, the importance of a disciplined and pure mind full of love, compassion, good will and tolerance. Q: How do you account for the growing Shia-Sunni conflict in Pakistan today? A: This appears to be a simple question, but its answer is quite complex. As I said earlier, we have a long history of tolerance, compassion and sacrifice. In the years soon after the formation of Pakistan in 1947, religious and sectarian strife was hardly heard of. However, things began to change in the late 1970s, when general Zia ul- Haq come to power and used a particular sect for promoting his own goals. He was supported in this by the USA and Saudi Arabia, which shared common interests and objectives with the then Pakistani army establishment. At exactly the same time, the Shia Islamic revolution took place in neighbouring Iran, which had a major influence on the Shia population of Pakistan as well. Meanwhile, the establishmentís support for the Deobandi sect as a sort of official Islam led, as a reaction, to the formation of the Tehrik-e Nifaz-e Fiqh-e Jaffria(TNFJ)in April 1979, by the Shias of Pakistan under the joint initiative of Mufti Jafar Hussain and Allama Syed Mohammad Rizvi. In order to display its strength, the TNFJ organised a massive demonstration of Shias in Islamabad in July 1980. It was the first demonstration of its type by the Shias in the history of the country. Following this, the Anjuman Sipah-e Sahaba (later called the Sipah-e Sahaba Pakistan or SSP) was set up in 1984, with the support of the then Pakistani establishment, in order to counter the rising force of certain Shia groups, who were said to have been backed by the Iranian intelligence. The sympathy of many Shias towards the Bhutto family helped set off alarm bells in the higher circles of the Pakistani government. Equally worried were forces like the USA and Saudi Arabia. Haq Nawaz Jhangvi, a semi-educated khateeb who had received his religious education at the Darul Uloom, Kabirwala and the Khair-ul Madaris, Multan, was the founder of the SSP. To begin with, the SSP was not a violent organization, but within a few years it merged as a brutal outfit, leading to a major escalation of Shia-Sunni violence. Outside forces also supported and funded Shia-Sunni discord to achieve their goals. This has been recognized by several Pakistani scholars themselves. The daily "Nation", in a report published on 20 January, 1995,quoting a confidential report of the Home Department of Punjab, stating: ì[Under Zia], the Saudi Government started backing the Deobandi school of thought and, in the wake of the Afghan war, supplied funds and arms to the Deobandis. Indirectly, the USA and a few other Western countries also supported the SSP to counter the growing Shia and Iranian influence in this regionî. In other words, sectarian violence in Pakistan is actually not a matter of some supposed innate intolerance among the Sunnis and Shiites. Rather, it is rooted in a complex web of social, political and economic factors, internal as well as external. Q: What do you feel about do you feel about the way the government has handled the issue of Shia-Sunni strife? A: Many governments have come and gone in Pakistan since the early 1980s, and one can discern somewhat different responses by different governments as far as this issue is concerned. On the whole, one could say that the governments have had little interest in seriously solving this question of burning concern. Rather, they seem to have been more interested in promoting their own interests in their handling of sectarian strife or similar sorts of problems. For instance, the Mohajir Qaumi Movement [later renamed as the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM)] was set up in the 1980s by Altaf Hussain in order to counter the activities of the Sindu Desh movement under the late G.M. Syed, as well as to undermine the popularity of Benazir Bhutto and her Pakistan People's Party (PPP). When the MQM went out of the control of the establishment during the first term of Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto (1988-90), the establishment tried to weaken Altaf Hussain's popularity amongst the Mohajirs by trying to divide the Sunni and Shia migrants from UP and Bihar. But after failing to do this, a splinter group of the MQM was set up, the MQM Haqiqi(Real)in order to counter the MQM. Q: What made the SSP and similar groups take to the path of violence? A: The SSP was armed, and its activists were trained and then inducted into Afghanistan in order to fight against the Russians. Among other Deobandi jihadi organizations involved in the war against the Soviets in Afghanistan were the Harkat ul-Jihad al-Islami(HUJI) and the Harkat-ul Mujahideen (HUM), which are considered to be the offspring of the SSP. Likewise, the Jaish-e Mohammad (JEM), which was formed in 2000 through an apparent division in the HUM. In 1988, the Iranian intelligence, it is said, encouraged the Shias of Gilgit in the Northern Areas to rise in revolt and demand the creation of a separate ëKarakoramí province for the Shias. General Zia inducted jihadi tribal hordes into Gilgit, where they carried out a large-scale massacre of the Shias. Moreover, the SSP of Punjab was allowed to open an office in Gilgit, to rally round the Sunnis in the area against the Shias. This resulted in the spread of sectarian terrorism to the Northern Areas, before which it had limited mainly to Punjab and the NWFP. Then, in 1994, Alaf Hussainís MQM re-organized itself in interior Sindh. To counter this, the SSP, which had been largely restricted to Punjab, was inducted into Sindh in order to reinforce the position of MQM (H). This resulted in the spread of sectarian terrorism to Sindh as well. Q: What do you have to say about the role of the present Pakistani government in countering sectarian strife? A: As far as the current government is concerned, it appears to have taken some solid steps in a positive direction, including proscription of violent sectarian groups and imprisonment of many of their activists. This is one of the outcomes of the decision of General Pervez Musharraf to take part in the US led ëwar against terrorismí. The decision has totally changed Pakistanís foreign policy, which has also impacted on the way in which Pakistan relates to Afghanistan and Iran, besides also having a positive influence on India-Pakistan relations. The current upsurge of sectarian violence, especially in Balochistan, does not seem related to any ëinternal agendaí of the government. Such violence does not provide any strategic benefit to the government. On the contrary, it badly harms its own policy. To me it seems perhaps a result of the dejection that violent groups in Afghanistan and along the Pakistan-Afghan border are today facing. This may also be a reaction to what they see as Shia support to the USA, especially in Afghanistan and Iraq. Whatever the reason might be, it is the duty of the government of Pakistan to provide protection and security to all its citizens. Repeated violence of the same sort and at the same places clearly points to major loopholes in the governmental system and gross negligence, which need to be urgently addressed. Q: How do you feel Shia-Sunni relations in Pakistan will unfold in the near future? A: We are going through a very crucial period, when the world is undergoing major changes. The complex roots of Shia-Sunni sectarian violence, the influence of external Islamist groups, the new international agenda and a whole host of other internal and external factors do not suggest the possibility of an immediate peace being established in this regard. However, if we look at the other side of things, we do have a lot to be optimistic about, such as the positive intentions of the current government and the emerging support for peace among many young Pakistanis. People all over the world are now in closer contact with others. I hope this will provide people of different communities the chance to know the ideas, beliefs and approaches of others in a better way. We must have to struggle hard for this, however, for a world of religious peace, free from inter-sectarian and inter-religious extremism and hatred. Q: What do you feel about the role of madrasas and the ulema in promoting Shia-Sunni conflict in Pakistan? A: Madrasas have played a major role in the rise of Shia-Sunni sectarian intolerance in Pakistan. In 1947, there were around 245 madrasas in Pakistan. In April 2002, Dr. Mahmood Ahmed Ghazi, the Minister of Religious Affairs, put the number of madrasas in the country at 10,000, with some 1.7 million students. In an analysis paper for the Brookings Institution in 2001, P.W. Singer estimated the number of madrasas in the country at 45,000, although he did not cite any source for this. Both Shias and Sunnis have their own separate madrasas. Since the Sunnis form the majority of the population of Pakistan, Sunni madrasas are far more numerous. Among the Sunnis, the three major maslaks (schools of thought), the Deobandis, the Barelvis and the Ahl-e Hadith (Salafis), as well as the Jamaíat-e Islami, have their own separate madrasas. The number of madrasas in the country increased rapidly during General Zia ul-Haqís rule (1977-1988). In the course of the war in Afghanistan against the Soviets, the United States sent in money, arms and ammunition to Afghan fighters, and much of this found its way to several madrasas. The Saudi organization, Harmain Islamic Foundation, is said to have generously helped the Ahl-e Hadith, because of which it emerged as a powerful force. The Lashkar-e Tayyaba, an organization that had been active in fighting in Afghanistan and Kashmir, is associated with the Ahl-e Hadith. In recent years, the influence of the Deobandis has also increased, as the Taliban were trained in their seminaries. It should be remembered that the number of Deobandi madrasas is the highest, and they are thought to be the basic source of manpower and resources for anti-Shia vehemence in Pakistan. Q: How do ordinary Pakistanis, both Shias and Sunnis, see each other? Is the Shia-Sunni conflict more at the level of the ulema or is it deeply rooted among the general populace? A: As I have described earlier, Shias and Sunnis have been living together in considerable harmony for centuries, and this has also led to a considerable blurring of boundaries in terms of several shared religious practices. In many parts of Pakistan it is still a common practice for Sunnis to participate in the observances of Muharram, including tazia processions and majalis (lectures devoted to the theme of the martyrdom of Imam Hussain). Often, Sunnis set up sabils (water-stalls)for Shia mourners (azadaran) who participate in the mourning processions. Furthermore, many Sufi saints, whose shrines are found all over Pakistan, have worked in the area for centuries to preach the message of universal love and compassion. Because of this, they have always enjoyed the love and respect of people of all religions and sects. Except for a very small minority, there are no social differences between common Shias and Sunnis. Hence, one can confidently claim that Shia-Sunni conflict is limited to a fraction of the ulema and some of their followers, and that it is not widespread and deep-rooted among the common people. Q: In which parts of Pakistan is the conflict more acute and why? A: In the early 1980s incidents of sectarian violence occurred primarily in the interior of Punjab, especially in the areas of Jhang, Multan, Bahawalpur, and Muzaffar Garh, etc.. However, with the passage of time it spread to other major cities such as Lahore, Rawalpindi, Faisalabad, Quetta and Sargodha. There have also been incidents of Shia-Sunni violence in Peshawar, Gilgit and Karachi. Today, the areas of acute sensitivity are Quetta, Jhang, Lahore, Faisalabad, Multan and Bahawalpur. Q: How do you feel Shia-Sunni dialogue can be promoted? A: There is an urgent need to promote the idea of Shia-Sunni dialogue and partnership at the level of the ulema. This should be based on the acceptance by both groups of each other, which, in turn, must be rooted in the recognition that there are no basic differences between among them on fundamental issues, including the basic principles of Islam. Shias and Sunnis share the same basic tenets, and most of the differences relate, in fact, to differences that naturally occur among mujtahids regarding some rules that they derive from the Quran or the Sunnah. Being a major source of religious extremism and tolerance, it is vital that the ulema be won over to the idea of peaceful dialogue. For this, a forum must be formed to bring religious leaders from different sects and communities to promote bridges of understanding and mutual acceptance. It should work at both the inter-sectarian as well as the inter-religious levels. We at the RPRO are trying to do this in our own small way, with the recent launching of the ëInsight Forumí as a sister concern of the RPRO. The initiative has been appreciated and welcomed by representatives of different religions and schools of thought. Further, we plan to help form peace societies among students and youth that would arrange camps to promote peace and harmony on religious occasions like Eid, Christmas, Diwali, Muharram and the ëurs festivals of various Sufi saints. However, I think all of these initiatives are just a small drop in the ocean in the face of the intensity of the crisis that we are faced with at the global, regional and national levels. Q: What plans do you have for your organization in the future? A: As I have just described, despite our initiatives and all our plans, we are still a very weak and small organization. The most positive thing that we have achieved so far, however, is appreciation and recognition from many people. This gives us great hope and strength, for, after all, every great thing that has happened in the world started from just a single step. All our expenses have been met by contributions from our members themselves. This is, again, I believe, a very positive thing since we havenít established the RPRO as a routine project-based organization. However, with the increasing appreciation and acceptance of our work, we need to extend the canvass of our activities. We cordially invite groups and organizations to get in touch with us, to join hands for the promotion of inter-religious peace. Readers who would like to get in touch with Rehman Faiz, may write to him on [ENDS] [March 24, 2004] V.M. Tarkunde: Father of Civil Liberties in India By Prashant Bhushan With the passing away of Mr Tarkunde, India has lost the father of the Civil Liberties movement in the country. He died on March 21 after a brief illness at the ripe age of 94. Till the very end, despite his failing health, which had confined him virtually to his house for the last year or so, he worked and wrote tirelessly for the causes that he held dear, particularly the cause of Civil Liberties. I first met Mr Tarkunde in 1976 during the Emergency, when Civil Liberties had been extinguished and the Habeas Corpus case was being heard by the Supreme Court, which would decide whether one could even approach the courts against illegal detention by the State, during the Emergency. At a time when even four out of five judges of the Supreme Court succumbed and got intimidated into holding that fundamental rights and Civil Liberties got eclipsed during an Emergency, Mr Tarkunde with the blessings of JP founded the People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL). From then on, till he died, he worked with exemplary courage, dedication and personal integrity, for the cause of Civil Liberties and human rights in the country, even when it was hazardous and not fashionable. The assault on Civil Liberties and human rights did not end with the end of the Emergency. The assaults were relentless and resurfaced in different forms, in different parts of the country-in Kashmir, Punjab, the Northeast and indeed most other parts of the country-with various draconian laws like TADA, POTA, the Armed Forces Special Powers Act etc. And, he fought relentlessly against every form of human rights abuse, not hesitating to say what he believed in, even if that offended some of his friends. He was one of the first outsiders to speak on behalf of the Kashmiri people, saying that they had the right of plebiscite. When the anti-Sikh riots shook the country after Mrs Gandhi's assassination, he led a team of lawyers to the very heart of places where the carnage was taking place, in an attempt to stop the carnage. He refused to be cowed down even when he was threatened with arrest and his book exposing the human rights abuses in Punjab had been banned. What distressed him most however was the rise of communal fascism in India with the growth of the RSS/BJP and allied organisations of the Sangh Parivar. He could clearly see what was coming with the demolition of the Babri Masjid. He told me at that very time that the BJP and the Sangh Parivar represented forces of fascism which would not tolerate Civil Liberties in this country. He asked me to read "Escape from Freedom" by Erich Fromm which dealt with the psychological roots of fascism, in order to understand the psychology of members of the Sangh. He was particularly disappointed with some of his erstwhile friends and colleagues from the Civil Liberties movement who had become the prominent intellectuals, rationalisers, and influential members of the government led by the Sangh Parivar. It was difficult for him to get over the fact that he had once made Arun Shourie, a general secretary of the PUCL! Given his prescience and understanding of the methods and psychology of the Parivar, I'm sure that he foresaw the Gujarat carnage well before it took place. With the increasing stranglehold on power of the BJP and its allied organisations, the manner in which communalism was being spread with State support, and the manner in which POTA had been used, he was deeply worried about the future of Civil Liberties and democracy in this country, at the time of his death. As a founder member of the Committee on Judicial Accountability, he actively worked for the cause of judicial accountability till the end. He had also founded the Centre for Public Interest Litigation, to take up public interest litigation in a systematic manner with proper research. Since I was looking after the Centre for several years, I recently wrote to him informing him of the recent activities of the Centre and seeking a small donation for the Centre. He promptly sent a cheque of Rs. 20,000, and said that though he had not been able to attend the meetings of the Centre because of his health recently, he was very happy with its activities. I had decided to go and meet him immediately after I received this letter. Unfortunately however, I kept putting off the meeting, not knowing that he was particularly unwell and in fact in the hospital, which I learnt about only when he passed away. I will never be able to forgive myself for this procrastination. I hope that someday all the people in this country will realise the enormous debt that they owe to this one man. [ENDS] Posted by: Awaaz / 4/07/2004 11:15:07 AM [NEWS DIGEST PROVIDED IN CONJUNCTION WITH SOUTH ASIA CITIZENS WIRE - www.sacw.net] Date: Sun, 21 Mar 2004 12:42:21 +0500 Setting the Record Straight Lala Rukh There is a controversy raging regarding textbooks in Pakistan that produce an ultra-nationalist, militarist and anti-Hindu, anti-India mindset among Pakistani children. A.H. Nayyar has defended himself against Shireen Mazari's critique of the SDPI report, 'The Subtle Subversion'. I would like to offer my own critique of the report from an entirely different angle, as my purpose is not to directly engage in the controversy but to set the record straight. It has to be pointed out that the report by A.H. Nayyar and Ahmad Saleem is neither original, nor new and does not represent entirely their own work. This report is a duplication of well-known work done on this subject by other scholars and writers over the last decade. It would have been appropriate according to the norms and conventions of publishing to mention prior work, which is widely known and recognized. However, since this was not done, it is important, for the sake of justice and fair play, to bring the earlier work into public attention. In the early 1990s, historian K.K. Aziz pointed out factual errors in history textbooks in a well-known work called 'The Murder of History'. In 1994, educational sociologist Dr. Rubina Saigol published a paper called 'The Boundaries of Consciousness' in which she argued in great detail that our social studies, civics, history and Pakistan Studies textbooks create India as the opposite other of Muslim Pakistan, and infuse hatred, estrangement and animosity. In 1995, Dr. Saigol published her PhD thesis entitled 'Knowledge and Identity' in which she discussed the ways in which a militarist form of nationalism is produced by our social studies textbooks. This is intended to create a communal identity for a communal state. She showed with many examples, and a detailed analysis, that such identities are created by the state to keep the perception of threat of conflict high to ultimately justify a massive defence budget. In 1997 an Urdu version of Rubina Saigol's book by the name of 'Qaumiat, Taleem, Aur Shanakht' (Nationalism, Education and Identity) was published and was reviewed by Ahmad Saleem for the SDPI magazine Paidaar Taraqqi (Sustainable Development). The SDPI and Ahmad Saleem were thus fully aware of Saigol's work. In 2000 Saigol's book 'Symbolic Violence: Curriculum, Pedagogy and Society' was published by SAHE and in this book one paper called 'Learning to Hate' focused on how social knowledge textbooks create a particular type of fundamentalist and hate-filled mindset. In 2002, Dr. Saigol was invited by the Library of Congress, Scholarly Programs to present a paper on how Pakistani textbooks create non-Muslim enemies. This paper called 'Enemies Within and Enemies Without' was published in 2003 in a book by Akbar Zaidi and will appear in the journal Futures edited by Imtiaz Ahmad. Also in 2000 Saigol wrote a paper on Civics textbooks highlighting the ways in which citizenship curricula create a simultaneous hatred of India and a very narrow and confining version of female citizenship. This paper was subsequently published in Japan and in India. Saigol's work on textbooks has also been published by the Centre for Secularism run by Asghar Ali Engineer. A whole decade of hard, painstaking and serious work pioneered in Pakistan by Rubina Saigol should not be negated and appropriated by a report that is neither analytical nor theoretically grounded. Apart from Rubina Saigol, who has made massive contributions to this field, the historian Dr. Mubarak Ali has also engaged in critical and serious work on history textbooks, both in English and Urdu. All of this earlier work has been ignored in the SDPI report, which is being publicized as though it is a first intervention in this area. In all fairness to those who pioneered this work, it should be made widely known, and added in the final report, that it is merely a continuation, and in many ways, a duplication of the work done for a whole decade against communalist teaching and curricula. Rubina Saigol contributed heavily to the report by examining textbooks all the way from the primary to the Intermediate level, and conducted the research with the idea that it would carry the name of all the researchers. It seems to be against the ethics of publishing that the report came to be owned by two people when a great deal of input came from professionals in the field. Several sentences and ideas in the SDPI report are direct reproductions of the work by Saigol and Mubarak Ali, but without appropriate attribution. It is crucial to set the record straight, as the production of knowledge is a fairly underdeveloped field in Pakistan. Researchers should be given due credit for their work so that those who engage in research and writing are not discouraged by their work being appropriated by others. Rubina Saigol has not received any remuneration for her books mentioned above and conducted the work purely out of her interest in her field and her subject, which is not well developed in Pakistan. If others appropriate the work of such people purely for funding purposes | ||